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Kinds of Parties Terms modified by Parties Selected AbstractsTeaching and Learning Guide for: The Geopolitics of Climate ChangeGEOGRAPHY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 5 2008Jon Barnett Author's Introduction Climate change is a security problem in as much as the kinds of environmental changes that may result pose risks to peace and development. However, responsibilities for the causes of climate change, vulnerability to its effects, and capacity to solve the problem, are not equally distributed between countries, classes and cultures. There is no uniformity in the geopolitics of climate change, and this impedes solutions. Author Recommends 1.,Adger, W. N., et al. (eds) (2006). Fairness in adaptation to climate change. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. A comprehensive collection of articles on the justice dimensions of adaptation to climate change. Chapters discuss potential points at which climate change becomes ,dangerous', the issue of adaptation under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the unequal outcomes of adaptation within a society, the effects of violent conflict on adaptation, the costs of adaptation, and examples from Bangladesh, Tanzania, Botswana, and Hungary. 2.,Leichenko, R., and O'Brien, K. (2008). Environmental change and globalization: double exposures. New York: Oxford University Press. This book uses examples from around the world to show the way global economic and political processes interact with environmental changes to create unequal outcomes within and across societies. A very clear demonstration of the way vulnerability to environmental change is as much driven by social processes as environmental ones, and how solutions lie within the realm of decisions about ,development' and ,environment'. 3.,Nordås, R., and Gleditsch, N. (2007). Climate conflict: common sense or nonsense? Political Geography 26 (6), pp. 627,638. doi:10.1016/j.polgeo.2007.06.003 An up-to-date, systematic and balanced review of research on the links between climate change and violent conflict. See also the other papers in this special issue of Political Geography. 4.,Parry, M., et al. (eds) (2007). Climate change 2007: impacts adaptation and vulnerability. Contribution of Working Group II to the fourth assessment report of the intergovernmental panel on climate change. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. The definitive review of all the peer-reviewed research on the way climate change may impact on places and sectors across the world. Includes chapters on ecosystems, health, human settlements, primary industries, water resources, and the major regions of the world. All chapters are available online at http://www.ipcc.ch/ipccreports/ar4-wg2.htm 5.,Salehyan, I. (2008). From climate change to conflict? No consensus yet. Journal of Peace Research 45 (3), pp. 315,326. doi:10.1177/0022343308088812 A balanced review of research on the links between climate change and conflict, with attention to existing evidence. 6.,Schwartz, P., and Randall, D. (2003). An abrupt climate change scenario and its implications for United States national security. San Francisco, CA: Global Business Network. Gives insight into how the US security policy community is framing the problem of climate change. This needs to be read critically. Available at http://www.gbn.com/ArticleDisplayServlet.srv?aid=26231 7.,German Advisory Council on Global Change. (2007). World in transition: climate change as a security risk. Berlin, Germany: WBGU. A major report from the German Advisory Council on Global Change on the risks climate changes poses to peace and stability. Needs to be read with caution. Summary and background studies are available online at http://www.wbgu.de/wbgu_jg2007_engl.html 8.,Yamin, F., and Depedge, J. (2004). The International climate change regime: a guide to rules, institutions and procedures. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. A clear and very detailed explanation of the UNFCCC's objectives, actors, history, and challenges. A must read for anyone seeking to understand the UNFCCC process, written by two scholars with practical experience in negotiations. Online Materials 1.,Environmental Change and Security Program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars http://www.wilsoncenter.org/ecsp The major website for information about environmental security. From here, you can download many reports and studies, including the Environmental Change and Security Project Report. 2.,Global Environmental Change and Human Security Project http://www.gechs.org This website is a clearing house for work and events on environmental change and human security. 3.,Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) http://www.ipcc.ch/ From this website, you can download all the chapters of all the IPCC's reports, including its comprehensive and highly influential assessment reports, the most recent of which was published in 2007. The IPCC were awarded of the Nobel Peace Prize ,for their efforts to build up and disseminate greater knowledge about man-made (sic) climate change, and to lay the foundations for the measures that are needed to counteract such change'. 4.,Tyndall Centre for Climate Change Research http://www.tyndall.ac.uk The website of a major centre for research on climate change, and probably the world's leading centre for social science based analysis of climate change. From this site, you can download many publications about mitigation of and adaptation to climate change, and about various issues in the UNFCCC. 5.,United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change http://unfccc.int/ The website contains every major document relation to the UNFCCC and its Kyoto Protocol, including the text of the agreements, national communications, country submissions, negotiated outcomes, and background documents about most key issues. Sample Syllabus: The Geopolitics of Climate Change topics for lecture and discussion Week I: Introduction Barnett, J. (2007). The geopolitics of climate change. Geography Compass 1 (6), pp. 1361,1375. United Nations Secretary General, Kofi Annan, address to the 12th Conference of Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, Nairobi, 15 November 2006. Available online at http://www.unep.org/Documents.Multilingual/Default.asp?DocumentID=495&ArticleID=5424&l=en Week II: The History and Geography of Greenhouse Gas Emissions Topic: The drivers of climate change in space and time Reading Baer, P. (2006). Adaptation: who pays whom? In: Adger, N., et al. (eds) Fairness in adaptation to climate change. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, pp. 131,154. Boyden, S., and Dovers, S. (1992). Natural-resource consumption and its environmental impacts in the Western World: impacts of increasing per capita consumption. Ambio 21 (1), pp. 63,69. Week III: The Environmental Consequences of climate change Topic: The risks climate change poses to environmental systems Reading Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. (2007). Climate change 2007: climate change impacts, adaptation and vulnerability: summary for policymakers. Geneva, Switzerland: IPCC Secretariat. Watch: Al Gore. The Inconvenient Truth. Weeks IV and V: The Social Consequences of Climate Change Topic: The risks climate change poses to social systems Reading Adger, W. N. (1999). Social vulnerability to climate change and extremes in coastal Vietnam. World Development 27, pp. 249,269. Comrie, A. (2007). Climate change and human health. Geography Compass 1 (3), pp. 325,339. Leary, N., et al. (2006). For whom the bell tolls: vulnerability in a changing climate. A Synthesis from the AIACC project, AIACC Working Paper No. 21, International START Secretariat, Florida. Stern, N. (2007). Economics of climate change: the Stern review. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press (Chapters 3,5). Week VI: Mitigation of Climate Change: The UNFCCC Topic: The UNFCCC and the Kyoto Protocol Reading Najam, A., Huq, S., and Sokona, Y. (2003). Climate negotiations beyond Kyoto: developing countries concerns and interests. Climate Policy 3 (3), pp. 221,231. UNFCCC Secretariat. (2005). Caring for climate: a guide to the climate change convention and the Kyoto Protocol. Bonn, Germany: UN Framework Convention on Climate Change Secretariat. Weeks VII and VIII: Adaptation to Climate Change Topic: What can be done to allow societies to adapt to avoid climate impacts? Reading Adger, N., et al. (2007). Assessment of adaptation practices, options, constraints and capacity. In: Parry, M., et al. (eds) Climate change 2007: impacts, adaptation and vulnerability. Contribution of Working Group II to the fourth assessment report of the intergovernmental panel on climate change. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, pp. 717,744. Burton, I., et al. (2002). From impacts assessment to adaptation priorities: the shaping of adaptation policy. Climate Policy 2 (2,3), pp. 145,159. Eakin, H., and Lemos, M. C. (2006). Adaptation and the state: Latin America and the challenge of capacity-building under globalization. Global Environmental Change: Human and Policy Dimensions 16 (1), pp. 7,18. Ziervogel, G., Bharwani, S., and Downing, T. (2006). Adapting to climate variability: pumpkins, people and policy. Natural Resources Forum 30, pp. 294,305. Weeks IX and X: Climate Change and Migration Topic: Will climate change force migration? Readings Gaim, K. (1997). Environmental causes and impact of refugee movements: a critique of the current debate. Disasters 21 (1), pp. 20,38. McLeman, R., and Smit, B. (2006). Migration as adaptation to climate change. Climatic Change 76 (1), pp. 31,53. Myers, N. (2002). Environmental refugees: a growing phenomenon of the 21st century. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 357 (1420), pp. 609,613. Perch-Nielsen, S., Bättig, M., and Imboden, D. (2008). Exploring the link between climate change and migration. Climatic Change (online first, forthcoming); doi:10.1007/s10584-008-9416-y Weeks XI and XII: Climate Change and Violent Conflict Topic: Will Climate change cause violent conflict? Readings Barnett, J., and Adger, N. (2007). Climate change, human security and violent conflict. Political Geography 26 (6), pp. 639,655. Centre for Strategic and International Studies. (2007). The age of consequences: the foreign policy and national security implications of global climate change. Washington, DC: CSIS. Nordås, R., and Gleditsch, N. (2007). Climate conflict: common sense or nonsense? Political Geography 26 (6), pp. 627,638. Schwartz, P., and Randall, D. (2003). An abrupt climate change scenario and its implications for United States national security. San Francisco, CA: Global Business Network. [online]. Retrieved on 8 April 2007 from http://www.gbn.com/ArticleDisplayServlet.srv?aid=26231 Focus Questions 1Who is most responsible for climate change? 2Who is most vulnerable to climate change? 3Does everyone have equal power in the UNFCCC process? 4Will climate change force people to migrate? Who? 5What is the relationship between adaptation to climate change and violent conflict? [source] Punctuated Equilibrium and Agenda-Setting: Bringing Parties Back in: Policy Change after the Dutroux Crisis in BelgiumGOVERNANCE, Issue 3 2008STEFAAN WALGRAVE The article analyzes how focusing events affect the public and political agenda and translate into policy change. Empirically, the study focuses on the policy changes initiated by paedophile Marc Dutroux's arrest in 1996 in Belgium. Theoretically, the article tests whether Baumgartner and Jones's (1993) U.S. punctuated equilibrium approach applies to a most different system case, Belgium being a consociational democracy and a partitocracy. Their approach turns out to be useful to explain this "critical case": Policy change happens when "policy images" and "policy venues" shift. Yet, the Dutroux case shows also that political parties, as key actors in the Belgian policy process, should be integrated more explicitly in the punctuated equilibrium theory. Finally, the article argues that the quantitative analysis of longitudinal data sets on several agendas should be supplemented with qualitative case study evidence (e.g., interviews with key decision makers) to unravel the complex case of issue attention and policy change. [source] Parties and People: England 1914,1951 , By Ross McKibbinHISTORY, Issue 320 2010KEITH LAYBOURN No abstract is available for this article. [source] Protection of Migrants' Human Rights: Principles and PracticeINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 6 2001Heikki S. Mattila In principle, migrants enjoy the protection of international law. Key human rights instruments oblige the States Parties to extend their protection to all human beings. Such important treaties as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights have been ratified by more than 140 states, but many political, social or economic obstacles seem to stand in the way of offering those rights to migrants. In an attempt to bridge this protection gap, the more specifically targeted International Convention on the Protection of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families was created and adopted by the United Nations in 1990. This treaty is not yet in force, but the number of States Parties is increasing towards the required 20. In the past few years the human rights machinery of the United Nations has increased its attention towards migrants' human rights, appointing in 1999 the Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants. Governments, as the acceding parties to international human rights instruments, remain the principal actors as guardians of the human rights of all individuals residing in their territories. Receiving countries are in a key position in the protection of the migrants that they host. However, active defence of migrants' rights is politically difficult in many countries where anti-immigrant factions are influential. Trafficking in migrants is one example of the complexity faced by states in formulating their migration policies. On the one hand, trafficking has made governments increasingly act together and combine both enforcement and protection. On the other, trafficking, with its easily acceptable human rights concerns, is often separated from the more migration-related human smuggling. The latter is a more contentious issue, related also to unofficial interests in utilizing cheap undocumented immigrant labour. [source] The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights as a tool for combating discrimination against women: general observations and a case study on Algeria*INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL, Issue 184 2005Karima Bennoune The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) is vital to protecting the human rights of women. This is reflected in the substantive rights which the treaty guarantees and its procedural emphasis on non-discrimination. The ICESCR now has 151 State Parties, as compared with 180 states that have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). While the latter is a lightning rod for opposition to the advancement of women's rights, the former is not. It may, therefore, be a particularly useful tool for combating discrimination against women, especially in the Muslim world where resistance to CEDAW in conservative quarters is strong. Still, some argue that the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which monitors implementation of the ICESCR, needs to further elaborate its jurisprudence on women's issues. Against such a complex backdrop, this study will explore the utility of the ICESCR in combating discrimination against women, looking in particular at the example of Algeria, which became a State Party in 1989. [source] Minority Nationalist Parties and European Integration: A Comparative Study , By A. EliasJCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 2 2010MARCUS HOPPE No abstract is available for this article. [source] Use of Modeling Parties to Enhance ResearchJOURNAL OF NURSING SCHOLARSHIP, Issue 4 2005Gamma Tau, Marie Cowan RN [source] Lobby Groups and the Financial Support of Election CampaignsJOURNAL OF PUBLIC ECONOMIC THEORY, Issue 3 2000M. Socorro Puy We study a model of competition between two political parties with policy compromise. There is a special interest group with well-defined preferences on political issues. Voters are of two kinds: impressionable and knowledgeable. The impressionable voters are influenced by the election campaigns. The objective of the parties is to obtain the maximum votes. Parties compete for financial support from a given interest group. Each party proposes a platform in exchange for an amount of campaign funds, and the interest group decides whether to accept or reject each of these proposals. We show that parties' competition resembles, to a certain extent, Bertrand competition. Furthermore, in equilibrium only one party gets funds from the interest group. This result differs from the one obtained in a similar model by Grossman and Helpman in which, in equilibrium, both parties are financed by the interest group. This difference arises because Grossman and Helpman assume that it is the interest group who makes the proposals to the political parties. [source] Political Parties and Paper Money Inflation in Sweden During the 18th CenturyKYKLOS INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, Issue 2-3 2001Peter Bernholz First page of article [source] Political Parties and Governors as Determinants of Legislative Behavior in Brazil's Chamber of Deputies, 1988,2006LATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 1 2009José Antonio Cheibub ABSTRACT This article examines the relative importance of regional and national forces in shaping the behavior of Brazilian legislators at the national level. A widely held view is that national legislators respond to state pressures in making decisions, rather than pressures from the national government. Governors not only can influence national debates but also can determine outcomes by exerting control over their states' legislative delegations. This article examines a dataset of all roll-call votes in the Chamber of Deputies between 1989 and 2006 to isolate and evaluate the impact of local pressures on legislative voting. Spanning the terms of five presidents and five different congresses, the data show that the local influence is weaker than the national on the voting decisions of individual legislators and the voting cohesion of state delegations. Alternative institutional resources allow the central government to counteract the centrifugal pressures of federalism and other institutional influences. [source] Institutional Change and Ethnic Parties in South AmericaLATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 2 2003Donna Lee Van Cott ABSTRACT The central question of this article is why indigenous social movements formed electorally viable political parties in Latin America in the 1990s. This development represents a new phenomenon in Latin America, where ethnic parties have been both rare and unpopular among voters. Institutional reforms in six South American countries are examined to see if the creation and success of these parties can be correlated with changes in electoral systems, political party registration requirements, or the administrative structure of the state. The study concludes that institutional change is likely to be a necessary but not sufficient condition for the emergence and electoral viability of ethnic parties. [source] Strong Societies, Wed Parties: Regime Change in Cuba and Venzula in the 1950s and TodayLATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 2 2001Jauier Cowales ABSTRACT The literature on the origins of democratic institutions is split between bottom-up and top-down approaches. The former emphasize societal factors that press for democracy; the latter, rules and institutions that shape elites' incentives. Can these approaches be reconciled? This article proposes competitive political parties, more so than degrees of modernization and associationalism, as the link between the two. Competitive political parties enhance society's bargaining power with the state and show dominant elites that liberalization is in their best interest; the parties are thus effective conduits of democracy. In the context of party deficit, the prospects for democratization or redemocratization are slim. This is illustrated by comparing Cuba and Venezuela in the 1950s and 1330s. [source] Radical Right: Voters and Parties in the Electoral Market.NATIONS AND NATIONALISM, Issue 4 2006Reviewed by Amir Abedi [source] Critical considerations for future action during the second commitment period: A small islands' perspectiveNATURAL RESOURCES FORUM, Issue 2 2007Leonard Nurse Abstract If the objective of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is to be achieved, Parties must commit themselves to meeting meaningful long-term targets that, based on current knowledge, would minimize the possibility of irreversible climate change. Current indications are that a global mean temperature rise in excess of 2,3 °C would enhance the risk of destabilizing the climate system as we know it, and possibly lead to catastrophic change such as a shutdown of the deep ocean circulation, and the disintegration of the West Arctic Ice Sheet. Observations have shown that for many small island developing States (SIDS), life-sustaining ecosystems such as coral reefs, already living near the limit of thermal tolerance, are highly climate-sensitive, and can suffer severe damage from exposure to sea temperatures as low as 1 °C above the seasonal maximum. Other natural systems (e.g., mangroves) are similarly susceptible to relatively low temperature increases, coupled with small increments of sea level rise. Economic and social sectors, including agriculture and human health, face similar challenges from the likely impacts of projected climate change. In light of known thresholds, this paper presents the view that SIDS should seek support for a temperature cap not exceeding 1.5,2.0 °C above the pre-industrial mean. It is argued that a less stringent post-Kyoto target would frustrate achievement of the UNFCCC objective. The view is expressed that all countries which emit significant amounts of greenhouse gases should commit to binding reduction targets in the second commitment period, but that targets for developing countries should be less stringent than those agreed for developed countries. Such an arrangement would be faithful to the principles of equity and would ensure that the right of Parties to attain developed country status would not be abrogated. [source] Fiduciary Duties in the LLC: Mandatory Core Duties to Protect the Interests of Others Beyond the Contracting PartiesAMERICAN BUSINESS LAW JOURNAL, Issue 2 2009Sandra K. Miller First page of article [source] Voters, Parties, and the Endogenous Size of GovernmentAMERICAN JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2002Jans-Peter Olters Elections, often to a considerable degree, influence the fiscal policies of governments installed on the basis of their results. Yet, economists have tended to view politicians' behaviour either as being determined exogenously or as the result of a social planner's maximisation of a well-defined social-welfare function (subject to some appropriate technology and resource constraints). The latter approach, given (i) its inherent abstraction from important politico-economic interactions, (ii) the theoretical difficulty in deriving a non-contradictory "collective utility function" (as demonstrated by Arrow), and (iii) the inability to estimate a stable relationship that could explain political preferences with economic variables,is viewed as being an unsatisfactory tool for the joint description of a country's economy and polity. On the basis of explicit micro-economic foundations and a democratically coordinated decision-making mechanism over the "optimal" provision of public goods and the corresponding taxes required to finance them, this paper will introduce a simple economic model of politics that subjects individuals to a,two-tiered,political decision-making process over party membership and electoral participation, thereby endogenising the evolution of the competing parties' ideologies, households' electoral behaviour, and the key factors explaining the design of fiscal policies. Having the majority party's median delegate determine on the "optimal" degree of income redistribution suggests that a country's wealth distribution is a crucial explanatory variable explaining its politico-economic development path. [source] Political Parties in South Korea and Taiwan after Twenty Years of Democratization*PACIFIC FOCUS, Issue 2 2009Heike Hermanns South Korea and Taiwan are often cited as successful cases of third-wave democracies where democracy has taken roots. However, electoral volatility is high and disenchantment among citizens is rising, especially regarding the performance of politicians and political parties. Since political parties play a vital role in the democratic process their institutionalization is seen as an indicator of democratic consolidation. An analysis of Taiwanese and South Korean parties in terms of age, organization and structure, as well as programs and leadership style of parties indicates that parties are weakly institutionalized. The Korean party system is a weak point in democratic deepening, as it is reminiscent of a carousel of party creations, mergers and dissolutions. Parties lack distinguishing ideological or programmatic markers and remain cadre parties, focusing on their charismatic leader and their home regions. In Taiwan, in contrast, a clear cleavage in the form of Taiwanese identity led to the appearance of two distinct political camps, each consisting of several parties. Taiwanese parties have progressed in their institutionalization in terms of longevity, organization and programmatic differences. However, membership numbers and party identification remain low and regular corruption scandals show the slow attitudinal change among Taiwanese politicians. In the light of politicians' behavior, citizens in both countries thus are feeling increasingly disenchanted with the ruling elite as well as the democratic system. [source] Chapter 8.,Factions and Parties, 1784,1811PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 2009Article first published online: 11 SEP 200 First page of article [source] A Call to Action: New Party Candidates and the 1931 General Election*PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 2 2008MATTHEW WORLEY Sir Oswald Mosley established his New Party in early 1931. It proposed to cut across the party and class divides, with the objective of providing a ,national' solution to the economic crisis of the time. According to Mosley, the ,old parties', meaning the Labour, Conservative and Liberal Parties , had revealed themselves unable to adapt to the post-war age. In their place, he argued, a modern organisation, based on youth, vitality and a scientifically reasoned economic plan, was needed to save Britain from terminal decline. Few heeded his call, and the party ultimately paved the way for the British Union of Fascists to emerge in 1932. Nevertheless, the New Party fought the general election of 1931, offering an unsuccessful but suitably intriguing challenge to the National coalition and Labour Party. This article will assess the New Party's election campaign, concentrating on those who briefly rallied to Mosley's appeal only to fall foul of the ballot box. In other words, it provides a case study of those who contributed to a dramatic electoral failure, and traces a significant stage along Mosley's journey to fascism. [source] Voters, Patrons and Parties: Parliamentary Elections in Ireland, c.1692,1727PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 2005D. W. HAYTON First page of article [source] Cardiac and pulmonary late effects do not negatively influence performance status and non-relapse mortality of children surviving five yr after autologous hematopoietic cell transplantation: Report from the EBMT Paediatric Diseases and Late Effects Working PartiesPEDIATRIC TRANSPLANTATION, Issue 6 2009Cornelio Uderzo Abstract:, The current prospective study dealt with clinical outcome associated with pulmonary and cardiac late effects of AuHCT in children with malignancies. We prospectively evaluated 58 children, utilizing pulmonary function tests and cardiac shortening fraction, performed in pre-AuHCT phase and then annually. The overall five-yr survival was 68%. The five-yr cumulative incidence of lung and cardiac function impairment in survivors was 21% in both cases. None of the patients presented with restrictive or obstructive pulmonary pathology at the last follow-up and performance status for all survivors, ranged from 90% to 100%. The cumulative incidence of non-relapse mortality was 12.6% (range 6.3,25.3%), whereas relapse mortality was 19.7% (range 11.6,33.5). In conclusion, our study shows no significant deterioration in post-AuHCT pulmonary and cardiac function and in particular, no negative impact of lung and heart late effects on performance status and non-relapse mortality. [source] Policy Subsystems and Regimes: Organized Interests and Climate Change PolicyPOLICY STUDIES JOURNAL, Issue 2 2006Shannon K. Orr This research is an examination of the role of organized interests in international climate change policy formation. Systematic survey results are used to demonstrate that organized interests actually engage in the same activities in both the international and domestic arenas. This research demonstrates that the climate change negotiations can be characterized as both a policy subsystem and an international regime. It is further argued that these two concepts are in fact highly analogous, thereby facilitating new cross-discipline research opportunities. The research is based on a web survey of organized interests accredited by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), and on interviews and field research at the 8th Conference of the Parties of the UNFCCC in New Delhi, India. [source] Political Parties, Political Integrity and Public Policy: a ,Transactions Costs' ApproachPOLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 1 2001Philip Jones Increasing concern about political ,sleaze' prompted the establishment, in 1995, of the Standing Committee of Standards in Public Life and the announcement, in 1999, of proposals to reform political party finance in the UK. A ,public choice' analysis predicts ,opportunism' by representatives at the expense of ,rationally ignorant' voters. It commends constitutional constraints to restrict the range of policy options open to representatives. By contrast, a ,transactions costs' approach suggests that electoral competition can offer protection when voters rely on ,party signal' as a low cost information source. If voters reduce transactions costs by relying on party signal, politicians have an incentive to maintain party reputation. Representatives are more willing than might otherwise be anticipated to accept the need for regulation if this serves to protect reputation. [source] Political Parties and Web 2.0: The Liberal Democrat PerspectivePOLITICS, Issue 2 2010Darren G. Lilleker Political parties have been criticised for their limited use of interactivity via their Internet presences, largely it is suggested because they seek to control their online messages. This article will consider interactivity from the perspective of a political party, the Liberal Democrats, using their Freedom Bill online campaign as a case study. We suggest that the Liberal Democrats use ,weak interactivity' because of internal policymaking concerns, and their belief that as a political party they are promoting their ideas, not co-creating a new product. Thus we suggest interaction should be closer to a formal consultation than a face-to-face dialogue. [source] National Political Parties and European Integration: Mapping Functional LossPOLITICS, Issue 1 2000Gijs Berends This article specifically examines the role of national political parties in the light of European integration. It introduces the functions that are normally associated with parties, which allows for a systematic evaluation of the performance of national parties in the European Union. Probing these functions that parties are reputed to implement, it arrives at the conclusion that national parties are fairly unsuccessful in fulfilling their core tasks at the European level. [source] Europeanization and the Communist Successor Parties in Post-Communist PoliticsPOLITICS & POLICY, Issue 1 2006John Ishiyama In recent years, there has been a growing interest in the domestic political consequences of "Europeanization." This article seeks to focus on developing a framework by which the effects of Europeanization on the communist successor parties might be investigated and to initially examine that framework in light of the evidence presented by four "critical cases",the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP), the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSCM), the Party of Social Democrats of Romania (PDSR/PSD), and the Party of the Democratic Left in Slovakia (SDL). Using textual analysis of party programs to ascertain the identity of the parties, and examining their organizational structures, this article finds that Europeanization itself does not explain the evolution of political parties in post-communist politics. Rather, domestic political considerations play a more important role in shaping these parties. [source] Two Parties, Two Types of Nominees, Two Paths to Winning a Presidential Nomination, 1972-2004PRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 2 2007D. JASON BERGGREN Contrary to findings that show the contemporary nomination process, regardless of party, favoring early frontrunners, this article shows that the eventual Democratic nominee is typically different from and often travels a different path to victory than the eventual Republican nominee. Since 1972, the eventual Democratic winners began as relatively unknown candidates with single-digit support who emerge as the frontrunner late in the process, sometimes just before the voting begins in Iowa and New Hampshire and sometimes just after the first votes are cast. John Kerry is only the latest Democratic example. In contrast, Republican winners have been national figures and have consistently been the early favorites a year before any votes were cast or large sums of money raised. To date, the accuracy of partyless models is driven largely by Republican successes. These models may be better at predicting Republican nominees than predicting Democratic nominees. [source] Parenting and Parties: Hazelden Calls on Parents to be Vigilant Chaperones of Teen GatheringsTHE BROWN UNIVERSITY CHILD AND ADOLESCENT BEHAVIOR LETTER, Issue S1 2007Article first published online: 15 DEC 200 No abstract is available for this article. [source] Minute on UNFCCC Conference of the Parties , COP 15 in CopenhagenTHE ECUMENICAL REVIEW, Issue 2 2010Article first published online: 15 JUN 2010 No abstract is available for this article. [source] Nest groups of wild bonobos at Wamba: selection of vegetation and tree species and relationships between nest group size and party sizeAMERICAN JOURNAL OF PRIMATOLOGY, Issue 7 2010Mbangi N. Mulavwa Abstract We examined the location of nest groups, spatial distribution of nests within a nest group, and attributes of individual nests of wild bonobos at Wamba, Democratic Republic of Congo. We also examined the seasonal factors influencing nesting behavior and compared the nest group size with the 1,hr party size during daytime. We defined a nest group to be a cluster of nests that were built in the same evening and found within 30,m from the other nearest nest. Examination of the largest gap within a nest group suggested that 30,m was an acceptable cutoff value. Monthly rainfall or fruit abundance did not significantly influence the monthly mean nest group size. Nests were built in the swamp forest for as many as 13% observation days, suggesting the need for reevaluation of the use of swamp forest by bonobos. The use of swamp forest was influenced not by seasonal rainfall or fruit abundance, but by the fruiting of specific species. Preferred tree species for building nests accounted for 19.8% of standing trees, which suggested that the selection of sleeping sites was not largely restricted by the distribution of specific species. The mean 1,hr party size was almost identical through the day and was similar to the mean nest group size. Parties of bonobos sometimes split into smaller nest groups, especially when feeding on non-preferred fruits during fruit scarcity. By contrast, when feeding on preferred fruits while ranging in large parties, they often aggregated to form even larger nest groups. When sleeping in small- or middle-sized nest groups, they tended to aggregate the next morning. These tendencies may reflect the gregarious nature of bonobos who prefer to range or sleep together as far as circumstances allow. Am. J. Primatol. 72:575,586, 2010. © 2010 Wiley-Liss, Inc. [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||