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Palestinian Authority (palestinian + authority)
Selected AbstractsPolitical-Elite Formation and Transition to Democracy in Pre-State Conditions: Comparing Israel and the Palestinian AuthorityGOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 3 2009Aviad Rubin This article's main argument complements the literature on transitions to democracy by focusing on the long-term process of political- elite formation and its influence on the ability of political elites to lead a peaceful and stable transition to democracy. By comparing the case of Israel before independence and the case of Palestine before the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, this article suggests that gradual political-elite formation from within the domestic population is likely to achieve better democratic results than a political- elite formation in exile, without close ties to the domestic population, that is ,parachuted' on the population when the political entity is formed. [source] The Water Crisis in the Gaza Strip: Prospects for ResolutionGROUND WATER, Issue 5 2005E. Weinthal Israel and the Palestinian Authority share the southern Mediterranean coastal aquifer. Long-term overexploitation in the Gaza Strip has resulted in a decreasing water table, accompanied by the degradation of its water quality. Due to high levels of salinity and nitrate and boron pollution, most of the ground water is inadequate for both domestic and agricultural consumption. The rapid rate of population growth in the Gaza Strip and dependence upon ground water as a single water source present a serious challenge for future political stability and economic development. Here, we integrate the results of geochemical studies and numerical modeling to postulate different management scenarios for joint management between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. The chemical and isotopic data show that most of the salinity phenomena in the Gaza Strip are derived from the natural flow of saline ground water from Israel toward the Gaza Strip. As a result, the southern coastal aquifer does not resemble a classic "upstream-downstream" dispute because Israel's pumping of the saline ground water reduces the salinization rates of ground water in the Gaza Strip. Simulation of different pumping scenarios using a monolayer, hydrodynamic, two-dimensional model (MARTHE) confirms the hypothesis that increasing pumping along the Gaza Strip border combined with a moderate reduction of pumping within the Gaza Strip would improve ground water quality within the Gaza Strip. We find that pumping the saline ground water for a source of reverse-osmosis desalination and then supplying the desalinated water to the Gaza Strip should be an essential component of a future joint management strategy between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. [source] Understanding Barriers to Peace: Reflecting on Israeli,Palestinian Economic NegotiationsNEGOTIATION JOURNAL, Issue 3 2004Bari Bar-Zion Drawing on relevant negotiations literature, this article describes some of the main barriers in the negotiation process between Israel and the Palestinian Authority as experienced by the author between the years 1998,2000. The analysis of these barriers is viewed through a prism of one case study: the negotiations regarding the economic component of the Wye River Memorandum. By subjecting that two-year negotiation process to a reflective analysis, this article not only attempts to shed light on the case presented, but also to help identify a wider range of barriers and behaviors that characterize the ongoing negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. [source] Trade , A Catalyst for Peace?THE ECONOMIC JOURNAL, Issue 472 2001Nu'man Kanafani The trade regime agreed in the Paris Protocol was determined by political rather than economic considerations. It failed to create a level playing-field between Israeli and Palestinian producers, because of Israeli non-tariff barriers and the lack of provision for external arbitration of disputes between parties with unequal powers. The novel element in the agreement of the three lists of specified goods generated uncertainties and conflicts, as well as some side benefits for the Palestinian Authority. The arrangements for the clearance of import and other taxes to the PA were complex and conflict-generating. Recommendations are made for improvements in future agreements. [source] Hatred of "Others" Among Jewish, Arab, and Palestinian Students in IsraelANALYSES OF SOCIAL ISSUES & PUBLIC POLICY, Issue 1 2002Dahlia Moore This study analyzes hatred against diverse sociopolitical groups and compares the social and political attitudes of three distinct and highly differentiated groups: Jewish, Arab, and Palestinian high school students in Israel and the Palestinian Authority. It examines their perceptions of the political context and aims to find the factors that influence the extremity of their hatred. Analysis of the data shows that the proposed model is more applicable to Jewish students than it is to Arabs and Palestinians, and shows that hatred toward outgroups is influenced by religiosity, the salience of national and civic identity, national security issues, and political ideology. [source] Posttraumatic Symptoms, Functional Impairment, and Coping among Adolescents on Both Sides of the Israeli,Palestinian Conflict: A Cross-Cultural ApproachAPPLIED PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2009Ruth Pat-Horenczyk This study assessed the effects of the ongoing violence on the mental health of Palestinian and Israeli youths. Parallel instruments were developed and adapted, as part of a collaborative project, in order to assess, in each society: (1) differential rates of exposure to the conflict, (2) the association between exposure and the severity of posttraumatic symptoms (PTS), and (3) the inter-relationships among PTS, functional impairment, somatic complaints, and coping strategies. Participants were 1,016 Israeli and 1,235 Palestinian adolescents. A self-report questionnaire assessed exposure. PTS was measured using the UCLA PTSD Reaction Index, functional impairment and somatic complaints were measured with the DISC, and coping strategies were assessed with Brief Cope. In both societies, greater exposure to conflict-related violence was associated with more PTS and more somatic complaints, with girls reporting more distress than boys. A total of 6.8 per cent of the Israeli students and 37.2 per cent of the Palestinian students met criteria for Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). In both societies, but more pronounced in the Palestinian Authority, adolescents reported significant levels of functional impairment, mainly in the area of school functioning. Students with PTSD reported more somatic complaints as well as greater functional impairment. The results show the serious psychological impact of the ongoing violent conflict on Israeli and Palestinian students and point to the need to develop appropriate school-based interventions to address their mental health needs. Cette étude évalue les effets de la violence continuelle sur la santé mentale des jeunes palestiniens et israéliens. Des instruments analogues ont été développés et adaptés, dans le cadre d'un projet de collaboration, afin d'évaluer dans chaque société: (1) les différences de taux d'exposition au conflit, (2) l'association entre l'exposition et la sévérité des symptômes post-traumatiques (PTS) et (3) les interrelations entre les PTS, les troubles fonctionnels, les plaintes somatiques et les stratégies de faire-face. 1016 adolescents israéliens et 1235 adolescents palestiniens ont participéà cette étude. Un questionnaire auto-administré mesure l'exposition au conflit. Les PTS sont mesurés par l'utilisation de l'UCLA PTSD Reaction Index, les troubles fonctionnels et les plaintes somatiques sont approchés par le DISC, et les stratégies de faire-face par le Brief Cope. Dans les deux sociétés, une plus grande exposition au conflit et à ses violences est associée à des PTS plus importants et à plus de plaintes somatiques, les filles manifestant plus de détresse que les garçons. Un total de 6.8% des étudiants israéliens et 37.2% des étudiants palestiniens répondent à des critères du Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). Dans les deux sociétés, mais de façon plus prononcée dans l'Autorité palestinienne, les adolescents rapportent des niveaux significatifs de troubles fonctionnels, principalement dans le domaine du fonctionnement scolaire. Les étudiants avec PTSD manifestent plus de plaintes somatiques, il en va de même pour les troubles fonctionnels. Les résultats montrent le sérieux impact psychologique d'un conflit violent et continuel sur les étudiants israéliens et palestiniens et signale le besoin de développer des interventions scolaires appropriées à leurs besoins en matière de santé mentale. [source] An Independent Palestine: The Security DimensionINTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, Issue 2 2004Robert E. Hunter If negotiations produce an end to the Israeli,Palestinian conflict then a sovereign, independent Palestine may emerge. But what is required for it to succeed? Nothing is more important than the security of a Palestinian state,for itself, for Israel, and for the region: security trumps all else. In addition to the problem of dealing effectively with opposition to a peace agreement within Palestine or directed against it from outside, the nature and magnitude of the security challenge will depend in large part on three issues: the drawing of borders between Israel and Palestine,and whether they are porous or marked by a rigid line of barriers; whether Israeli settlements are withdrawn, or in part incorporated into Israel, perhaps through land swaps with Palestine; and what arrangements are made for Jerusalem. One answer is the creation of effective Palestinian military forces (in addition to police), but this course could be divisive; a second is the development of a series of Israeli,Palestinian confidence-building and share,security measures, including intelligence cooperation; a third is progress towards reducing external threats to Israel,Palestine, including success in Iraq and in defusing other Middle East problems. Most useful, however, would be the creation of an American-led peace enabling force, ideally modelled on NATO. This force would need to be agreed by both Israel and Palestine; it must be adequately staffed, trained and equipped; its duties and rules of engagement must make sense to all parties; and it must be part of a network of dispute-resolution and confidence-building measures in full partnership with Israeli and Palestinian authorities. [source] | |||||||||||||