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Selected AbstractsModels of Civic Responsibility: Korean Americans in Congregations with Different Ethnic CompositionsJOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION, Issue 1 2005ELAINE HOWARD ECKLUND This article compares different discourses of civic responsibility for Korean American evangelicals in a second-generation Korean congregation and a multiethnic congregation located in the same impoverished ethnic minority community. Those in the second-generation church define civic responsibility through difference from immigrant Koreans. They stress caring for members of their local community and explicitly reject their parents' connection of Christianity to economic mobility. Yet, they find relating to other minorities in their local community difficult because of an implicit belief that the economically impoverished are not hardworking. Korean Americans in the multiethnic church connect Christianity to valuing diversity. A religious individualism that is used to justify diversity also helps Korean Americans stress their commonality with other ethnic minorities and legitimates commitment to community service. These results help researchers rethink how new groups of Americans might influence the relationship of evangelical Christianity to American civic life. [source] Insights Into U.S. Racial Hierarchy: Racial Profiling, News Sources, and September 11JOURNAL OF COMMUNICATION, Issue 4 2003David Domke The events of September 11, 2001, seem likely to have reverberating implications for U.S. race relations, in particular the relative hierarchy of differing racial and ethnic groups. With this in mind, in this study the researchers focused on the manner in which "racial profiling" was talked about,by government and societal leaders, nongovernment opinion leaders, and average citizens,in several leading U.S. news outlets for the 5 months prior to September 11 and for the 5 months afterward. The findings indicate that (a) citizens increased markedly as sources in news coverage after September 11; (b) Arab Americans spoke from more favorable positions of status than African Americans; and (c) racial minorities may face a situation in which they de facto "compete" with other minorities for space in news coverage. The authors discuss implications for the role of news media in race relations. [source] The existence of gender-specific promotion standards in the U.S.MANAGERIAL AND DECISION ECONOMICS, Issue 8 2002Kathy A. Paulson Gjerde This paper is motivated by the claim that promotion probabilities are lower for women than men. Using data from the 1984 and 1989 National Longitudinal Youth Surveys, this paper tests this claim and two related hypotheses concerning training and ability. It is found that females are less likely to be promoted than males, and females receive less training than males. The relationship between promotion and gender varies across occupations, however, suggesting that the alleged glass ceiling faced by women and other minorities in the workplace is not uniform across all labor markets. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Regime Types and Discrimination against Ethnoreligious Minorities: A Cross-Sectional Analysis of the Autocracy,Democracy ContinuumPOLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 3 2003Jonathan Fox Although many assume that the relationship between the autocracy,democracy continuum and discrimination is linear, with autocracies discriminating the most and democracies discriminating the least, the assumption is not universal. This study uses the Minorities at Risk dataset to test this relationship with regard to government treatment of religiously differentiated ethnic minorities (ethnoreligious minorities) as well as ethnic minorities that are not religiously differentiated. The results show that the pattern of treatment of ethnoreligious minorities differs from that of other ethnic minorities. The extent to which a state is democratic has no clear influence on the level of discrimination against non-religiously differentiated ethnic minorities, but it has a clear influence on the level of discrimination against ethnoreligious minorities. Autocracies discriminate more than democracies against ethnoreligious minorities, but semi-democracies, those governments that are situated between democracies and autocracies, discriminate even less. This result is consistent on all 11 measures used here and is statistically significant for seven of them, and it remains strong when controlling for other factors, including separatism. This phenomenon increases in strength from the beginning to the end of the 1990s. Also, democracies discriminate against ethnoreligious minorities more than they do against other minorities. The nature of liberal democracy may provide an explanation for this phenomenon. [source] |