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Other Actors (other + actor)
Selected AbstractsThe Governance of the European Union: The Potential for Multi-Level ControlEUROPEAN LAW JOURNAL, Issue 1 2002Colin Scott In its White Paper on the Governance of the European Union the European Commission has adopted a narrow concept of governance which focuses almost exclusively on public institutions exercising legislative and executive power (in other words institutions of government). The article suggests that a theory of multi-level control in the EU would attend to greater variety both in the available governance institutions and the techniques of control. The deployment of an analysis grounded in theories of control suggests that the European Commission is substantially holding to a long-held preference for instruments of government premised on the exercise of hierarchical power. This reform path sits uneasily with revived concerns to render the governance of the EU more democratic. Equally it inhibits the generation of more efficient governance arrangements which place greater dependence on communities, competition, and design as alternative bases of control to hierarchy. Control theory suggests that the assertion of different reform agendas and institutional structures by other actors can check the more wayward (and arguably illegitimate) tendencies within the Commission plan, whilst drawing in alternative bases of control which, when combined, may yield technically superior governance solutions. [source] Geography of Stock MarketsGEOGRAPHY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 4 2009Dariusz Wójcik Geography matters for stock markets. Stock market actors and institutions do not just have to be somewhere, but where they are in relation to other actors and institutions has an effect on their behaviour and performance. Hence, the geography of stock markets is crucial to the spatial distribution of financial services and centres. On another level, the evolution and structure of stock markets involves a complex interplay of politics, technology, economy and culture, and can never be explained with economic models alone. Finally, stock markets do not just reflect economy and society, they influence how economy and society work. The current financial crisis only underscores the value of geography as a lens through which to view stock markets, and the significance of the latter in the world economy. [source] The Impact of Fair Trade on Social and Economic Development: A Review of the LiteratureGEOGRAPHY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 6 2008Ann Le Mare This article explores the outcomes of Fair Trade for producers, artisans and their organisations. It asks the question, ,what happens to people who are involved in Fair Trade?', and reviews the case studies and empirical research conducted on Fair Trade for a range of products in different countries. The article is organised around important aspects of development which Fair Trade seeks to influence, including market relations, institutional development, economic development and reductions in poverty, social development, gender equity and sustainable development. The outcomes are diverse and complex, though, most studies found significant impact on social and economic aspects of development, contributing to the capacity to improve and diversify livelihoods. Fostering sustainable commercial organisations is an important contribution of Fair Trade networks. However, there appears to be less success in achieving gender equality and dealing with issues of importance to women. Both the enactment of partnership and the achievement of development goals require continuous commitment, a variety of strategies and cooperation with other actors, such as government and non-governmental organisations. [source] Gatekeepers in sickness insurance: a systematic review of the literature on practices of social insurance officersHEALTH & SOCIAL CARE IN THE COMMUNITY, Issue 3 2005Elsy Söderberg Abstract Decisions concerning entitlement to sickness benefits have a substantial impact on the lives of individuals and on society. In most countries, such decisions are made by staff of private or public insurance organisations. The work performed by these professionals is debated, hence more knowledge is needed on this subject. The aim of the present study was to review scientific studies of the practices of social insurance officers (SIOs) published in English, Danish, Norwegian and Swedish. Studies were searched for in literature databases, in reference lists, and through personal contacts. Analyses were made of type of study, areas investigated, research questions, theories used, and the results. Sixteen studies were included. SIOs and several other actors are responsible for applying measures to minimise sick-leave and promote return to work (RTW). The studies focusing on coordination of such measures revealed that SIOs felt unsure about how to handle their contacts with clients and other actors. One study indicated that the SIOs, partly due to lack of time, accepted the recommendations of physicians instead of making their own judgments about granting sickness benefits. While all SIOs must make decisions concerning entitlement to sickness benefits on a daily basis, few of the reviewed studies scrutinised the actual granting of sickness compensation. The studies were also deficient in that they investigated the decision latitude of the SIOs from a very limited perspective, mainly on an individual level and often primarily in relation to colleagues and/or clients rather than to the laws and regulations of the sickness insurance. The concepts and framework in this area of research need to be developed to facilitate elucidation of the interaction between different actors in local spheres, professionals in different disciplines, and between welfare staff and individual citizens. [source] A common European foreign policy after Iraq?INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, Issue 3 2003Brian Crowe Taking as read the wide range of other instruments that the EU has for international influence (enlargement, aid, trade, association and other arrangements, etc.), the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), under pressure from the Kosovo conflict, has been shaped by two important decisions in 1999: the creation of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) to give the EU a military capability when NATO as a whole is not engaged, and the appointment as the new High Representative for the CFSP of a high-profile international statesman rather than a senior civil servant. A major European effort will still be needed if Europe is to be effective militarily, whether in the EU/ESDP or NATO framework. The management of the CFSP has been held back by the doctrine of the equality of all member states regardless of their actual contribution. This in turn leads to a disconnect between theory (policy run by committee in Brussels) and practice (policy run by the High Representative working with particular member states and other actors, notably the US). It has been difficult for Javier Solana to develop the authority to do this, not in competition with the Commission as so widely and mistakenly believed, as with member states themselves, and particularly successive rotating presidencies. It is important that misdiagnosis does not lead to politically correct solutions that end up with the cure worse than the disease. Ways need to be found to assure to the High Representative the authority to work with third countries and with the member states making the real contribution, while retaining the support of all. Then, with its own military capability, the EU can have a CFSP that is the highest common factor rather than the lowest common denominator, with member states ready to attach enough priority to the need for common policies to give Europeans a strong influence in the big foreign policy issues of the day. [source] Self-Restraint in Search of Legitimacy: The Reform of the Argentine Supreme CourtLATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 3 2009Alba M. Ruibal ABSTRACT In 2003, the Argentine executive promoted a process of Supreme Court reform that entailed limiting presidential attributions in the selection of justices. Then the renewed court implemented changes to its internal procedures that increased its own accountability mechanisms. The literature on the politics of institutional judicial independence in Latin America has developed two explanatory models: one presents reforms as an insurance policy, the other as a consequence of divided government. Both perspectives conceive of reforms as a result of political competition and as a way to limit other actors, the future government in the first case, the party in power in the second. This study, by contrast, explains the Argentine reforms as movements of strategic self-restriction, designed to build legitimacy and credibility, for the government and the court, respectively, in a context of social and institutional crisis and pressure from civil society. [source] Landscapes of the Law: Injury, Remedy, and Social Change in ThailandLAW & SOCIETY REVIEW, Issue 1 2009David M. Engel Sociolegal theorists since Weber have postulated that state law operates by interacting with and responding to nonstate legal orders. This article, examining conceptions of injury and compensation in Thailand, analyzes two ways of mapping law onto the landscape. The first is associated with state law and legal institutions established at the turn of the twentieth century. The state legal system imagines space from the outside in, drawing a boundary line and applying law uniformly throughout the jurisdiction it has enclosed. A second type of mapping, which has been more familiar over the centuries to ordinary Thai people, imagines space from the inside out. Nonstate legal orders are associated with sacred centers and radiate outward, diminishing in intensity and effectiveness with distance. This article, based on extensive interviews with injured persons and other actors and observers in northern Thailand, examines the interconnections between these two ways of imagining the landscape of law. It suggests that recent transformations of Thai society have rendered ineffective the norms and procedures associated with the law of sacred centers. Consequently, state law no longer interacts with or responds to nonstate law and surprisingly plays a diminished role in the lives of ordinary people who suffer injuries. [source] American Federalism and the Search for Models of ManagementPUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REVIEW, Issue 6 2001Robert Agranoff Changes in the United States federal system mean that managers must operate by taking into account multiple interacting governments and nongovernmental organizations; dealing with numerous programs emanating from Washington and state capitols; and engaging in multiple intergovernmental transactions with an expanding number of intergovernmental instruments. Four models of management within this changing system are identified. The top-down model emphasizes executive-branch control and is embedded in enforcement and exchange related to the laws, regulations, funding rules, program standards, and guidelines associated with federal/state grant, procurement, and regulation programs. The donor-recipient model emphasizes mutual dependence or shared program administration, where two-party bargaining or reciprocal interactions among government officials is the norm. The jurisdiction-based model is defined by the initiated actions of local officials and managers who seek out program adjustments and other actors and resources to serve the strategic aims of their governments. The network model highlights the actions of multiple interdependent government and nongovernmental organizations pursuing joint action and intergovernmental adjustment. Although the first two models are long-standing and the latter two are emergent, all appear to be alive and well on the intergovernmental scene, posing complex challenges for public managers. [source] From Shallow to Deep: Toward a Thorough Cultural Analysis of School Achievement PatternsANTHROPOLOGY & EDUCATION QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2008Mica Pollock What do anthropologists of education do? Many observers think that we provide quick glosses on what various "cultures",typically racialized, ethnic, and national-origin groups,"do" in schools. Hervé Varenne and I each name an alternative form of analysis that we think should be central to the subfield. Varenne argues that anthropologists of education should expand analysis of teaching and learning beyond (American) schools and classrooms and examine everyday life in various places as containing countless moments of teaching and learning that are worth understanding. Varenne reminds us that teaching and learning occur nonstop in everyday life, not just in classrooms. "Education" is about far more than what we typically call "achievement," which usually translates into grades, graduation, or test scores.1 This long-standing way of thinking anthropologically about "education" is essential to exploding simplistic notions of what, when, how, and from whom people "learn." In my essay, I contend that U.S. anthropologists of education also need to analyze thoroughly how U.S. school achievement patterns take shape in real time. I argue that it is our particular responsibility to counteract "shallow" analyses of "culture" in schools, which purport to explain "achievement gaps" by making quick claims about how parents and children from various racial, ethnic, national-origin, or class groups react to schools. Such shallow analyses dangerously oversimplify the social processes, interactions, and practices that create disparate outcomes for children. Shallow cultural analyses are common in both journalism and popular discourse,and in schools of education as well (see Ladson-Billings 2006 for a related critique). They are explanatory claims that name a group as having a "cultural" set of behaviors and then name that "cultural" behavior as the cause of the group's school achievement outcomes. (E.g., some argue that "group x"[e.g., "Asians"] employs a "group x behavior"[e.g., "push their children"] that causes "high" or "low" achievement.) Such claims allow people to explain achievement outcomes too simply as the production of parents and children without ever actually examining the real-life experiences of specific parents and children in specific opportunity contexts. Going deeper requires pressing for actual, accurate information about the everyday interactions among real-life parents, children, and other actors that add up to school achievement patterns (graduation rates, dropout rates, skill-test scores, suspension lists, and the like). When anthropologists of education say that we study culture, we mean that we are studying the organization of people's everyday interactions in concrete contexts. Shallow analyses of "culture" that purport to describe only how a "group's" parents train its children blame a reduced set of actors, behaviors, and processes for educational outcomes, and they include a reduced set of actors and actions in a reduced set of projects for educational improvement. Anthropologists of education should make clear that we examine children's experiences both in context and in appropriate detail; we study interactional processes that other observers might describe too quickly or with insufficient information.2 I think that if anthropologists of education explicitly, publicly, and colloquially name what counts as deep, thorough cultural analysis of American school achievement patterns, we will make ourselves far better prepared to respond to harmfully shallow claims made by journalists, colleagues, and educators alike. We will also support other stakeholders in children's lives (including teachers and teacher educators) to think more thoroughly about which actions, by whom, and in what situations produce children's achievement. This short essay suggests four key ways that anthropologists of education can, do, and should get "deep" in analyzing American achievement patterns. I invite colleagues to edit and extend this list in future editions of AEQ. [source] Computational Models for the Combination of Advice and Individual LearningCOGNITIVE SCIENCE - A MULTIDISCIPLINARY JOURNAL, Issue 2 2009Guido Biele Abstract Decision making often takes place in social environments where other actors influence individuals' decisions. The present article examines how advice affects individual learning. Five social learning models combining advice and individual learning-four based on reinforcement learning and one on Bayesian learning-and one individual learning model are tested against each other. In two experiments, some participants received good or bad advice prior to a repeated multioption choice task. Receivers of advice adhered to the advice, so that good advice improved performance. The social learning models described the observed learning processes better than the individual learning model. Of the models tested, the best social learning model assumes that outcomes from recommended options are more positively evaluated than outcomes from nonrecommended options. This model correctly predicted that receivers first adhere to advice, then explore other options, and finally return to the recommended option. The model also predicted accurately that good advice has a stronger impact on learning than bad advice. One-time advice can have a long-lasting influence on learning by changing the subjective evaluation of outcomes of recommended options. [source] | |||||||||||||