New Politics (new + politics)

Distribution by Scientific Domains
Distribution within Humanities and Social Sciences


Selected Abstracts


THE NEW POLITICS OF MEDICINE

PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, Issue 2 2006
Rob Flynn
THE NEW POLITICS OF MEDICINE Brian Salter Palgrave Macmillan, 2004, 236 pp., £17.99 (pb) ISBN: 0333801121 [source]


Education-based group identity and consciousness in the authoritarian-libertarian value conflict

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 2 2009
RUNE STUBAGER
The increasing importance of New Politics or authoritarian-libertarian values to electoral behaviour in advanced Western industrial democracies and the previously documented strong link between such values and educational attainment indicates that, contrary to the claims of some New Politics theorists, the ideological conflict is anchored in the social structure , in particular in educational groups. For this interpretation to be warranted, however, it should be possible to document the existence of education-based group identity and group consciousness related to the value conflict. The article develops indicators of the core variables out of Social Identity Theory. Based on a unique survey from Denmark, which includes the new set of indicators, the analyses show that members of the high and low education groups have developed both group identity and consciousness reflecting a conflict between the groups and that these factors are related to authoritarian-libertarian values. The results are interpreted as reflecting a relationship of dominance, which supports the view that the ideological conflict is structurally anchored. [source]


The Old and the New Politics of International Financial Stability

JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 5 2009
LOUIS W. PAULY
The cross-border financial crisis that began in the United States in the summer of 2007 tested a 30-year experiment in international integration. In the background were expanding macroeconomic imbalances that leading states had neglected to address. Spawned by imprudence and regulatory failures, the crisis soon deepened and the collaborative impulse that might have prompted earlier and more fundamental macro-policy action became focused on emergency management. Ad hoc policy co-ordination ensued as liquidity was injected into turbulent markets and troubled financial intermediaries were recapitalized or reorganized. The collective performance was inelegant, not least inside the European Union. The crisis shed a harsh spotlight on the weak fiscal foundations of the Union and on the now-pressing need for collaborative adjustments in national macroeconomic policies. Since overt political innovation on such matters remains difficult, both within Europe and globally, the crisis underlined the crucial importance of much better collaborative instruments for the oversight and stabilization of integrating financial markets. [source]


Edging Towards BioUtopia,A New Politics of Reordering Life and the Democratic Challenge by Richard Hindmarsh

AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, Issue 2 2009
John Francis
No abstract is available for this article. [source]


Immigration and the new politics of inclusion and exclusion in the European Union: The effect of elites and the EU on individual,level opinions regarding European and non,European immigrants

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 1 2001
LAUREN M. MCLAREN
Within European politics, a distinction is currently being made at the elite level between internal and external immigration, with individuals from EU countries being given special rights and privileges when they migrate within the EU. This paper addresses the question of whether individual EU citizens also view the two types of immigrants differently and what structures their beliefs regarding these two sources of migration. The findings indicate that (a) the vast majority of EU citizens view internal and external migration as identical and (b) elite cues and debates regarding immigration within each of the countries are helping individuals form their opinions regarding the two different types of immigration. These findings and their implications are discussed in the body of the paper. [source]


,Beyond Left and Right': The New Partisan Politics of Welfare

GOVERNANCE, Issue 2 2000
Fiona Ross
The ,new politics of the welfare state,' the term coined by Pierson (1996) to differentiate between the popular politics of welfare expansion and the unpopular politics of retrenchment, emphasizes a number of factors that distinguish countries' capacities to pursue contentious measures and avoid electoral blame. Policy structures, vested interests, and institutions play a prominent role in accounting for cross-national differences in leaders' abilities to diffuse responsibility for divisive initiatives. One important omission from the ,new politics' literature, however, is a discussion of partisan politics. ,Old' conceptualizations of the political right and left are implicitly taken as constants despite radical changes in the governing agenda of many leftist parties over the last decade. Responding to this oversight, Castles (1998) has recently probed the role of parties with respect to aggregate government expenditures, only to concludethat parties do not matter under ,conditions of constraint.' This article contends that parties are relevant to the ,new politics' and that, under specified institutional conditions, their impact is counterintuitive. In some notable cases the left has had more effect inbruising the welfare state than the right. One explanation for these cross-cutting tendencies is that parties not only provide a principal source of political agency, they also serve as strategies, thereby conditioning opportunities for political leadership. By extension, they need to be situatedwithin the ,new politics' constellation of blame-avoidance instruments. [source]


The Spectacle of Men Fighting

IDS BULLETIN, Issue 2 2000
Alan Greig
Summaries The meaning of male violence should be a central concern of Gender and Development (GAD) discourse and practice. Explanations of the nature, and limits, of men's responsibility for such violence increasingly centre on their socialisation into a masculine identity. By counter-posing the ,individual' and the ,social', attention becomes fixed on identity as the surface that connects these two realities on which is inscribed the masculinity of men. The task of responding to the spectacle of men fighting then appears to be one of re-inscribing a new non-violent masculine identity. This paper argues that GAD practitioners should be wary of this kind of politics of identity. Focusing on identification as relation, rather than identity as boundary, clarifies the violent politics of difference at the heart of masculinity. Addressing violence means approaching a new politics of difference. This is a politics of alliance and coalition, a transgressing of sectoral and institutional boundaries in recognition of the common bases of oppression and their plural manifestations in women's and men's lives. GAD can address the politics of identification(s) by approaching questions of responsibility for and complicity in male violence as personal-communal issues. Depending on what they choose to fight for, the spectacle of men fighting can be a sight, and site, of real political potency. [source]


Political Consequences of the New Inequality

INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2001
Craig N. Murphy
This article proposes agendas for teaching and research about shifting global patterns of equality and inequality, a very different agenda than was appropriate when the last undergraduate professor was president of ISA, almost forty years ago. Today, unlike in that Cold War world, formal democracy is flourishing, state power is diminishing, gender inequality has diminished, and income inequality has risen. Consequences of these new patterns that demand our attention as teachers and scholars include: (1) more frequent protracted social conflicts, (2) a newly politicized sphere of international public health, (3) the new global gender politics, (4) the new global politics of the super-rich, and (5) the new politics and ethics of the world's privileged, a group that includes most ISA members and most of our students. Our responsibilities as teachers have grown, in part, because popular media present a decreasingly coherent picture of each of these patterns; and that incoherence, itself, may help sustain global inequalities. [source]


New policies create a new politics: issues of institutional design in climate change policy

AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF AGRICULTURAL & RESOURCE ECONOMICS, Issue 2 2010
Henry Ergas
Institutional design focuses on the task of providing accountability and effective monitoring of decision-making by bodies vested with the coercive powers of the state in a context where information is inherently limited, costly to acquire and asymmetrically distributed. This paper focuses on issues of institutional design in the context of climate change policy. It examines proposals advanced in the June 2008 Draft and Final Reports of the Garnaut Climate Change Review (,Garnaut Reports'), and in the Government's July 2008 Green Paper and December 2008 White Paper on the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme (,Green and White Papers') with respect to how revenues raised by the sale of emissions permits would be used; and second, the proposed governance arrangements for the emissions trading scheme. [source]


A new politics of engagement: shareholder activism for corporate social responsibility

BUSINESS STRATEGY AND THE ENVIRONMENT, Issue 4 2003
Anastasia O'Rourke
Shareholder groups are increasingly going beyond the decision to invest, not to invest, or to divest by proposing and voting on company specific corporate social responsibility (CSR) issues at annual shareholder meetings. This activity is joined by an increasingly sophisticated ,strategy of engagement' by both shareholders and companies. In the process, a model of investor capitalism based on ,responsible ownership' is being forged that addresses social and environmental issues previously outside the domain of most shareholders. This paper traces a historical perspective on the growth and spread of shareholder activism, describes the key actors currently involved in this activity, illustrates the CSR issues being raised, explains the process of preparing resolutions and entering into dialogue, assesses some of the results gained so far and lays a conceptual foundation to help analyse the effectiveness of shareholder activism and assess the viability of models of ,shareholder democracy'. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [source]


Structure versus culture again: Corporatism and the ,new politics' in 16 Western European countries

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 5 2003
Bojan Todosijevi
This article analyzes the relationships between corporatism and ,new politics' using Siaroff's (1999) corporatism scores for 16 West European countries and data from Inglehart et al.'s (1998) World Value Survey. The results of the analysis show that corporatism is related to higher membership in peace movements and also to belief in the urgency of ecological problems. However, it is unrelated to postmaterialist values, votes for ,new parties', approval of the environmentalist and feminist movements, and willingness to contribute financially to environmental protection. The relationships between corporatism and ,new politics' is shown to be somewhat mediated by economic factors, while the hypothesis that postmaterialism is a principal factor behind the popularity of the new social movements is not substantiated. [source]


,Beyond Left and Right': The New Partisan Politics of Welfare

GOVERNANCE, Issue 2 2000
Fiona Ross
The ,new politics of the welfare state,' the term coined by Pierson (1996) to differentiate between the popular politics of welfare expansion and the unpopular politics of retrenchment, emphasizes a number of factors that distinguish countries' capacities to pursue contentious measures and avoid electoral blame. Policy structures, vested interests, and institutions play a prominent role in accounting for cross-national differences in leaders' abilities to diffuse responsibility for divisive initiatives. One important omission from the ,new politics' literature, however, is a discussion of partisan politics. ,Old' conceptualizations of the political right and left are implicitly taken as constants despite radical changes in the governing agenda of many leftist parties over the last decade. Responding to this oversight, Castles (1998) has recently probed the role of parties with respect to aggregate government expenditures, only to concludethat parties do not matter under ,conditions of constraint.' This article contends that parties are relevant to the ,new politics' and that, under specified institutional conditions, their impact is counterintuitive. In some notable cases the left has had more effect inbruising the welfare state than the right. One explanation for these cross-cutting tendencies is that parties not only provide a principal source of political agency, they also serve as strategies, thereby conditioning opportunities for political leadership. By extension, they need to be situatedwithin the ,new politics' constellation of blame-avoidance instruments. [source]