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Selected AbstractsEUROPEANIZATION AND BUREAUCRATIC AUTONOMY IN THE NEW MEMBER STATES: A CASE STUDY OF THE AGRICULTURAL PAYING AGENCY IN SLOVAKIAPUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, Issue 4 2009MIROSLAV BEBLAVÝArticle first published online: 23 NOV 200 The paper explores the impact of Europeanization on bureaucratic autonomy in the new EU member states using as a case study the Agricultural Paying Agency in Slovakia. The paper shows that Europeanization had limited sustained impact on the personal autonomy of senior officials; however, it requires and sustains the personal autonomy of an extensive cadre of mid-level and junior civil servants. At the same time, it necessitates and continues to sustain significant change in the way agricultural subsidies are distributed, with a high level of autonomy in implementation and a lower, but still significant, measure of autonomy in policy-making. These conclusions can also generally be supported by evidence from Lithuania and Poland. In addition, the coercive elements of Europeanization interacted with the temporarily high bureaucratic autonomy in Slovakia to ,open' non-coercive channels of Europeanization of agricultural subsidies and beyond. [source] A Competitive European Agriculture Designed for the Citizens , Romania's Perspective Une agriculture européenne compétitive au service des citoyens : La perspective de la Roumanie Eine an die Bedürfnisse der Bürger angepasste, wettbewerbsfähige Europäische Landwirtschaft , die Perspektive RumäniensEUROCHOICES, Issue 3 2008Dacian Ciolo Summary A Competitive European Agriculture Designed for the Citizens , Romania's Perspective In the coming months and years the European Union has to make fundamental choices for the future of agriculture, food, landscape and quality of life within its whole territory. These choices have now to be made for 27 Member States, which together give a new configuration to the Community. Poland and Romania together now represent nearly half of the total active population involved in EU agriculture. European agriculture has to be multifunctional, competitive not only for the market but also for citizens, as an economic activity that uses and manages renewable resources of public interest. Higher competitiveness inevitably leads to restructuring and modernisation of the agro-food sector in the New Member States. This must be achieved gradually to avoid a negative social impact, through a rural development policy supporting job creation outside agriculture. Romanian agriculture employs about 30 per cent of the country's active population and half of the country's population live in rural areas. Romania, therefore, aims to preserve a substantial CAP budget to promote investment in agriculture and quality of life in rural areas. It is in the interest of the whole EU to ensure not just proper use of the productive potential of Romanian agriculture but also economic development of the Romanian countryside. Au cours des prochains mois et des prochaines années, l'Union européenne doit faire des choix fondamentaux quant à l'avenir de l'agriculture, de l'alimentation et de la qualité de vie sur l'ensemble de son territoire. Ces choix relèvent actuellement de 27 état membres qui, ensemble, donnent à la communauté une nouvelle configuration. Actuellement, la Pologne et la Roumanie représentent à elles deux pratiquement la moitié de la population agricole de l'Union européenne. L'agriculture européenne doit être multifonctionnelle et compétitive, pas seulement pour les marchés mais aussi pour les citoyens, en tant qu'activitééconomique qui utilise et gère des ressources renouvelables d'intérêt public. La hausse de la compétitivité entraînera inévitablement une restructuration et une modernisation du secteur agro-alimentaire dans les nouveaux états membres. Ce processus doit être progressif pour éviter des conséquences sociales négatives, et il doit s'accompagner d'une politique de développement rural pour promouvoir la création d'emplois hors du secteur agricole. L'agriculture roumaine emploie environ 30 pour cent de la population active nationale et la moitié de la population du pays vit dans des zones rurales. La Roumanie compte donc utiliser une grande partie du budget de la PAC pour la promotion des investissements dans le secteur agricole et l'amélioration de la qualité de vie dans les zones rurales. Il est dans l'intérêt de l'ensemble de l'Union européenne de s'assurer non seulement que le potentiel productif agricole de la Roumanie est correctement utilisé mais également que la campagne roumaine se développe économiquement. In den kommenden Monaten und Jahren wird die Europäische Union grundlegende Entscheidungen im Hinblick auf Landwirtschaft, Lebensmittel, Landschaftsbild und Lebensqualität zu treffen haben, die sich auf ihr gesamtes Gebiet auswirken werden. Diese Entscheidungen betreffen nun alle 27 Mitgliedsstaaten, die der Gemeinschaft ein neues Gesicht verleihen. Mittlerweile stellen Polen und Rumänien zusammen etwa die Hälfte der aktiv in der Landwirtschaft der EU beschäftigten Bevölkerung. Die europäische Landwirtschaft muss multifunktional und nicht nur mit Blick auf den Markt wettbewerbsfähig sein, sondern auch mit Blick auf ihre Bürger, als ein Wirtschaftszweig, der erneuerbare Ressourcen verwendet und verwaltet, für die ein öffentliches Interesse besteht. Eine höhere Wettbewerbsfähigkeit führt unweigerlich zur Umstrukturierung und Modernisierung des Agro-Food-Sektors in den neuen Mitgliedsstaaten. Zur Vermeidung negativer Auswirkungen auf die Gesellschaft muss dies schrittweise durch eine Politik zur Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums erfolgen, die Arbeitsplätze außerhalb der Landwirtschaft fördert. In Rumänien sind 30 Prozent der Erwerbstätigen in der Landwirtschaft tätig, und die Hälfte der Bevölkerung lebt im ländlichen Raum. Daher ist Rumänien daran gelegen, weiterhin einen hinreichend großen Haushalt für die GAP zu erhalten, um Investitionen in die Landwirtschaft und die Lebensqualität im ländlichen Raum zu fördern. Es ist im Interesse aller EU-Länder, nicht nur die Ausschöpfung des produktiven Potenzials der rumänischen Landwirtschaft, sondern ebenfalls die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums in Rumänien sicherzustellen. [source] Our Common European Model of AgricultureEUROCHOICES, Issue 3 2006Juha Korkeaoja Our Common European Model of Agriculture Future internal and external forces on European agriculture mean that the CAP may look very different after 2013. However large these changes, the CAP will need to retain its common principles based on the European Model of Agriculture (EMA). This became clear in an informal September meeting of EU agriculture ministers in Oulu, arranged by the Finnish Presidency. A strong CAP will be needed in the future but it will have to evolve to meet upcoming challenges. Work on the future CAP will need to start soon and the Oulu meeting may become known as the starting point for those discussions. The CAP will have to provide a reasonable environment for practicing agriculture for very different farmers in very diverse conditions, and facilitate the supply of a wide variety of goods and services to consumers and taxpayers as only truly multifunctional agriculture can. If the CAP can maintain these characteristics it has an important role to play in a future Europe. The meeting in Oulu was also an important milestone for a very special reason: for the first time, all ten New Member States took an active part in the EMA-debate with full rights and responsibilities as part of the Union. Once again this underlines the central role of our common European Model of Agriculture. Unser gemeinsames Europäisches Land wirts chafts modell Die zukünftigen internen und externen Einflüsse auf die europäische Landwirtschaft könnten zur Folge haben, dass die GAP nach dem Jahr 2013 ganz anders aussieht. Wie umwälzend diese Veränderungen auch sein mögen, die GAP wird ihre allgemeinen, auf dem Europäischen Landwirtschaftsmodell (EMA) beruhenden Grundsätze beibehalten müssen. Dies wurde im September bei einem von der finnischen Präsidentschaft arrangierten informellen Treffen der EU-Landwirtschaftsminister in Oulu deutlich. In der Zukunft brauchen wir eine starke GAP, die jedoch weiterentwickelt werden muss, um den kommenden Herausforderungen gerecht zu werden. Die Arbeit an der zukünftigen GAP muss in nächster Zeit beginnen, und das Treffen in Oulu könnte möglicherweise als Ausgangspunkt dieser Diskussionen gelten. Die GAP wird ein angemessenes Umfeld schaffen müssen, um sehr unterschiedlichen Landwirten mit sehr unterschiedlichen Arbeitsbedingungen die Ausübung der Landwirtschaft sowie Verbrauchern und Steuerzahlern die Versorgung mit einer großen Vielfalt an Waren und Dienstleistungen zu ermöglichen, wie es nur eine wirklich multifunktionale Landwirtschaft zu leisten vermag. Wenn es der GAP gelingt, diese Merkmale beizubehalten, wird ihr im zukünftigen Europa eine wichtige Rolle zukommen. Bei dem Treffen in Oulu handelt es sich auch aus einem ganz besonderen Grund um einen bedeutenden Meilenstein: Zum ersten Mal beteiligte sich jeder der zehn neuen Mitgliedsstaaten mit allen Rechten und voller Verantwortung als Teil der Union aktiv an der Debatte zum Europäischen Landwirtschaftsmodell. Wieder einmal unterstreicht dies die zentrale Rolle unseres gemeinsamen Europäischen Landwirtschaftsmodells. Ce modèle agricole européen qui nous est commun Du fait des forces internes et externes qui vont bientôt s'exercer sur l'agriculture européenne, la physionomie de la PAC après 2013 pourrait bien être très différente de ce qu'elle est maintenant. Quelque soit cependant l'importance de ces changements, la PAC devra conserver sa base commune actuelle, qui repose sur le « modèle agricole européen » (MAE). La chose est apparue clairement lors d'une réunion informelle des ministres de l'agriculture européens organisée par la présidence finnoise à Oulu, en septembre dernier. Une politique agricole musclée sera nécessaire à l'avenir, mais elle devra évoluer pour répondre à de nouveaux défis. Il va bientôt falloir commencer à travailler cette nouvelle PAC, et la réunion d'Oulu restera peut être comme le point de départ des discussions sur le sujet. La PAC devra fournir un environnement convenable pour la pratique d'agricultures diverses, par des agriculteurs différents les uns des autres, dans un vaste éventail de conditions. Elle devra permettre la production d'une grande variété de biens et de services financés par le consommateur ou le contribuable, comme seule une agriculture multifonctionnelle peut le faire. Si la PAC arrive à conserver ces caractéristiques, elle aura un grand rôle à jouer dans l'Europe de demain. Il y a encore une raison plus spécifique pour marquer d'une pierre blanche la réunion d'Oulu : pour la première fois, les dix nouveaux membres de l'Union ont activement participé et de plein droit aux discussions sur le MAE. Cela, une fois de plus, souligne le rôle essentiel du « modèle agricole européen » qui nous est commun. [source] Accession's Democracy Dividend: The Impact of the EU Enlargement upon Democracy in the New Member States of Central and Eastern EuropeEUROPEAN LAW JOURNAL, Issue 4 2004Wojciech Sadurski The purpose of this article is to examine this claim, that accession will provide a ,democracy dividend' in this fashion. To this end, the article begins by examining the political conditionality of the accession process, and the extent to which the process of democratisation can be understood as a result of ,external' pressures. It also discusses the extent to which the effectiveness of political conditionality is likely to survive after the accession takes place. The article then moves on to consider the effects of accession upon democracy in the states of the region by looking in detail at three areas that have been particularly important: the role of national parliaments, the new constitutional courts, and the tendency towards decentralisation and regionalism. The article concludes by noting that, although not all of the developments discussed are necessarily good for democracy in the region, the real dividend coming from the accession process lies in the fact that, on a macro-level, membership in the EU will make the democratic transition in Central and Eastern Europe practically irreversible. [source] Employee ,voice' and working environment in post-communist New Member States: an empirical analysis of Estonia, Latvia and LithuaniaINDUSTRIAL RELATIONS JOURNAL, Issue 4 2008Charles Woolfson ABSTRACT This article examines employee ,voice' in workplace health and safety in three Baltic New Member States by means of a cross-national survey. The data point to unresolved problems of voice in the context of rather poor working environments. These present opportunities for collective renewal by trade unions, but paradoxically are more likely to be addressed by employers in the context of significant labour shortages created by a post-European Union accession labour ,exit'. [source] The Choices for Europe: National Preferences in New and Old Member States,JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 2 2009NATHANIEL COPSEY Drawing on the existing body of literature that deals with national preference formation and building on the role played by vulnerability and deficits in shaping policy choices at the European level, this article provides a synthetic framework to explain the stances of the Older Member States (OMS) and New Member States (NMS). We subsequently apply the model to NMS, focusing largely, although not exclusively, on Poland. We argue that although many of the policy preferences can be explained by the framework, the size of states, especially with regard to ambition and capacity, and the nature of the country's post-communist transition appear significant for the NMS and need to be incorporated into future theory-building. We conclude by highlighting areas in need of further empirical research. [source] If things can only get worse: Anticipation of enlargement in European Union legislative politicsEUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 1 2010DIRK LEUFFEN Anticipation is a central feature of political behaviour. It has an impact on actors' choices and can change the timing of decisions. This article analyses anticipation in legislative politics. After delineating different objects as well as consequences of anticipation theoretically, a set of hypotheses about anticipatory behaviour in EU decision-making is derived. In particular, it is asked whether the EU Council anticipates the arrival of new Member States and how this affects legislative output. The theory is tested by estimating count models using a dataset that contains information on all binding EU legislation from 1976 to 2007. Covering five enlargement rounds, evidence is presented for anticipatory behaviour in EU legislative politics. [source] Actor alignments in the European Union before and after enlargementEUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 6 2009ROBERT THOMSON What impact has the 2004 enlargement had on legislative decision making in the European Union (EU)? This study answers this question by examining the controversies raised by a broad selection of legislative proposals from before and after the 2004 enlargement. The analyses focus on the alignments of decision-making actors found on those controversies. Member State representatives, the European Commission and the European Parliament vary considerably in the positions they take on controversial issues before and after enlargement. Consistent patterns in actor alignments are found for only a minority of controversial issues. To the extent that consistent patterns are found, the most common involve differences in the positions of Northern and Southern Member States and old and new Member States. The North-South alignment was more common in the EU-15 and reflected Northern Member States' preference for low levels of regulatory intervention. The new-old alignment that has been evident in the post-2004 EU reflects new Member States' preference for higher levels of financial subsidies. This study argues that the persistent diversity in actor alignments contributes to the EU's capacity to cope with enlargement. [source] Ironies in Human Rights Protection in the EU: Pre-Accession Conditionality and Post-Accession ConundrumsEUROPEAN LAW JOURNAL, Issue 1 2009Anneli Albi In the wake of the extensive scrutiny of the human rights credentials of the new Member States under the EU pre-accession conditionality, which itself was riddled with paradoxes, this article considers a rather unexpected irony thrown up by the accession of these countries. It is that the post-communist constitutional courts, which have been applauded for vigorous protection of fundamental rights after the fall of the Communist regime that was marked by nihilism to rights, have come rather close to having to downgrade the protection standards after accession, due to the new constraints of supremacy of EC law. The article will consider the sugar market cases of the Hungarian and Czech Constitutional Courts and of the Estonian Supreme Court, which appear to add weight to the concerns that have been voiced in some older Member States about the fundamental rights protection in the EU. Indeed such concerns were recently also addressed in the concurring opinions to the Bosphorus judgment of the European Court of Human Rights. [source] Administrative and Court Reform in Central and Eastern EuropeEUROPEAN LAW JOURNAL, Issue 3 2003Frank Emmert Only relatively recently, it was recognised that successful administrative and court reform would be just as necessary in order to achieve the desired goals, namely that the candidates would eventually be able to take on their obligations as new members of the Union. Unfortunately, it has now become evident that it is easier to write new laws than to get them properly applied in every day practice. This article describes a number of cases to illustrate the problem. It shows that administrators and judges in Central and Eastern Europe have significant difficulties with Western working methods, specifically the application of international norms in the national legal order, due process and procedural safeguards, treatment of precedents, resolution of ambiguities and lacunae in the law, etc., which may in turn result in unjust and sometimes absurd application of laws. These difficulties cannot be resolved merely by organising ever more training courses and other theoretical programmes. The author claims that the majority of efforts promoting administrative and court reform applied so far have rendered only meager results. Therefore, additional and more creative measures have to be designed and implemented and have to be continued for years beyond accession of most of these countries to the EU in 2004. Otherwise, rule of law deserving its name will not materialise in the new Member States. The author concludes by offering some ideas based on many years of experience in the region. [source] New Parliament, New Cleavages after the Eastern Enlargement?JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 5 2010The Conflict over the Services Directive as an Opposition between the Liberals, the Regulators This article analyses the parliamentary debates and decision-making related to the highly contentious EU directive on services. It is intended as a contribution to the academic debate on political conflict lines in the European Parliament. Our argument is that neither the left,right cleavage nor a territorial one (old versus new Member States) can fully explain conflict at stake on socio-economic issues. Rather, what we can observe is cross-cutting opposition between ,regulators' and ,liberals'. [source] The European Policy for the Development of an Information Society: the Right Path?,JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 4 2008JOSÉ LUIS GÓMEZ-BARROSO The end of 2005 marked the closure of one stage in the European strategy for the promotion of the information society (the eEurope programme) and the start of the next one (i2010). This seems to be a good time for assessing the results achieved to date by the community policy in this area and analysing whether the correct approach has been adopted. Despite the satisfaction shown in certain official appraisals, the picture resulting from consulting different classifications globally measuring the adaptation of countries to the information society is not that optimistic. Only the European Union leaders in this field (the Nordic countries) have improved their positions, broadening the gap with the rest: western European countries have lost ground (or at least have not improved) in the rankings, the southern countries do not seem to have corrected their deficiencies and the indices for the new Member States have not evolved as expected or have even deteriorated in some cases. Even though becoming one of the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economies in the world was the first Leitmotiv of the Lisbon strategy, the interpretation of the documents connected to the definition of the new stage in the strategy led to doubts over whether the European Union has a clear notion on the course of action to take in order to make progress on the information society a matter of priority. [source] Migrants as Minorities: Integration and Inclusion in the Enlarged European Union,JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 4 2005RYSZARD CHOLEWINSKI The developing migration and asylum law and policy of the European Union aim to construct a common normative framework to address the admission and residence of diverse categories of third-country nationals in EU territory. The principles of minority protection, however, are absent from EU law, with the exception of some references in the new Constitutional Treaty and the incorporated Charter of Fundamental Rights, although they have been employed, to a certain degree, in a prescriptive and pragmatic way in the context of the accession of new Member States. However, increased EU attention to the concept of integration in recent Council policy pronouncements and newly adopted legal measures, aimed almost exclusively at lawfully resident third-country nationals, provides a space where migration policy and minority protection principles may engage more directly. This article undertakes a preliminary assessment of the points of convergence and divergence in these two sets of principles, and argues that greater convergence would result in a more coherent EU policy on integration. [source] Why are Europeans so tough on migrants?ECONOMIC POLICY, Issue 44 2005Tito Boeri SUMMARY European migration International migration can significantly increase income per capita in Europe. We estimate that at the given wage and productivity gap between Western and Eastern Europe, migration of 3% of the Eastern population to the West could increase total EU GDP by up to 0.5%. Yet on 1 May 2004, 14 EU countries out of 15 adopted transitional arrangements vis-à-vis the new member states and national migration restrictions vis-à-vis third country nationals are getting stricter and stricter. In this paper we offer two explanations for this paradox and document their empirical relevance in the case of the EU enlargement. The first explanation is that immigration to rigid labour markets involves a number of negative externalities on the native population. The second explanation is that there are important cross-country spillovers in the effects of migration policies, inducing a race-to-the top in border restrictions with high costs in terms of foregone European output. In light of our results, we discuss, in the final section, the key features of a desirable migration policy to be coordinated at the EU level. ,Tito Boeri and Herbert Brücker [source] Corruption and environmental policies: what are the implications for the enlarged EU?ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY AND GOVERNANCE, Issue 3 2006Lorenzo Pellegrini Abstract The paper discusses the prescription of EU environmental regulations for new member states. It has been argued that these countries should be allowed looser directives as a way to take into consideration their lower income levels and correspondingly different priorities. The paper estimates the determinants of environmental policies' stringency. We find that corruption levels are the most important factor in explaining the variance in environmental policies in the enlarged EU. Most notably, differences in corruption levels across countries appear to be more important than income differences. Thus, it is argued, lower environmental standards in new member states are not necessarily implied by lower income levels, but they are more likely to reflect low institutional quality. We argue that harmonization of environmental policies at the EU level can be a way to tackle this problem, and we provide a further rationale for new members states to adjust to existing EU environmental directives. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [source] Infrastructure and Rural Development: US and EU Perspectives Infrastruktur und Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums: Perspektiven aus den USA und der EU Infrastructures et développement rural : Perspectives aux États-Unis et dans l'Union européenneEUROCHOICES, Issue 1 2008David Blandford Infrastructure and Rural Development: US and EU Perspectives Infrastructural development remains a cornerstone of rural development policy in both the United States and Europe. It is evident that rural development objectives differ, but similar policy measures are used. The economic rationale for infrastructure development centres on efficiency and creation of competitive advantage. Policy intervention is justified because of the added costs of infrastructure provision in remote, sparsely populated areas. Although this policy focus does not guarantee success, regions leading in economic development typically have better physical infrastructure. In the United States, policy must adapt to challenges posed by an ageing rural infrastructure and demographic change that will increase demands on social infrastructure such as housing and health facilities. There will be greater local responsibility for funding, and expanded use of public/private partnerships. In the European Union, the major challenge is in redirecting resources to new member states, where there is urgent need for both large new investments in transport networks and small investments to improve local access. Although two current options for funding these diverse needs focus on European policies only, investments in non-farm physical capital and public infrastructure cannot be sustained without active national policies to complement the European efforts, perhaps through co-financing requirements. Infrastructures et développement rural : Perspectives aux États-Unis et dans l'Union européenne Le développement des infrastructures demeure un pilier de la politique de développement rural aux États-Unis comme dans l'Union européenne. Les objectifs de développement rural diffèrent bien évidemment mais des mesures semblables sont employées. La justification économique du développement des infrastructures repose sur l'efficience et la création d'avantages concurrentiels. L'intervention publique est justifiée par les coûts supplémentaires des infrastructures dans les zones éloignées à population clairsemée. Bien que ce type de politique ne garantisse pas le succès, les régions en avance de développement économique ont en général de meilleures infrastructures physiques. Aux États-Unis, la politique soit s'adapter aux défis que posent le vieillissement des infrastructures rurales et l'évolution démographique qui va augmenter la demande d'infrastructures sociales telles que les services de santé et de logement. La responsabilité du financement local va augmenter et les partenariats public/privé vont se développer. Dans l'Union européenne, le principal défi est de réorienter les ressources vers les nouveaux pays membres qui ont un besoin urgent de nouveaux investissement d'ampleur dans les réseaux de transport et d'investissement de plus faible ampleur dans l'amélioration des accès locaux. Deux options actuelles de financement de ces divers besoins se concentrent sur les seules politiques européennes, mais les investissements dans le capital physique non agricole et dans les infrastructures publiques ne peuvent pas se poursuivre sans des politiques nationales actives complémentant les efforts fournis au niveau européen, peut-être à travers des mécanismes de co-financement. Infrastruktur und Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums: Perspektiven aus den USA und der EU Bei der Entwicklung der Infrastruktur handelt es sich nach wie vor sowohl in den USA als auch in Europa um einen Eckpfeiler in der Politik zur Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums. Es ist offensichtlich, dass sich die Ziele bei der Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums unterscheiden, die Politikmaßnahmen ähneln sich jedoch. Die wirtschaftliche Begründung für die Entwicklung der Infrastruktur zielt auf die Effizienz und das Schaffen von Wettbewerbsvorteilen ab. Politikeingriffe sind gerechtfertigt, da die Bereitstellung von Infrastruktur in entlegenen, dünn besiedelten Gebieten höhere Kosten verursacht. Obgleich dieser Schwerpunkt der Politik den Erfolg noch nicht garantiert, verfügen die wirtschaftlich am weitesten entwickelten Regionen typischerweise über eine bessere physische Infrastruktur. In den USA muss sich die Politik an die Herausforderungen anpassen, welche eine in die Jahre gekommene Infrastruktur im ländlichen Raum und der demografische Wandel mit sich bringen, und wodurch neue Anforderungen an die soziale Infrastruktur, wie z.B. Wohnungsbau und Gesundheitseinrichtungen, gestellt werden. Bei der Finanzierung werden die Kommunen stärker in die Verantwortung genommen, und öffentlich-private Partnerschaften werden an Bedeutung gewinnen. In der EU besteht die größte Herausforderung darin, Ressourcen zu den neuen Mitgliedstaaten umzuverteilen, wo sowohl neue Großinvestitionen in die Transportnetzwerke als auch kleinere Investitionen zur Verbesserung des lokalen Zugangs dringend benötigt werden. Obwohl sich die beiden im Moment vorhandenen Optionen zur Finanzierung dieser vielfältigen Bedürfnisse ausschließlich auf europäische Politikmaßnahmen konzentrieren, können die Investitionen in außerlandwirtschaftliches physisches Kapital und in die öffentliche Infrastruktur nicht ohne wirksame Politikmaßnahmen auf nationaler Ebene (z.B. die Pflicht zur Kofinanzierung) als Ergänzung zu den Bemühungen auf europäischer Ebene aufrecht erhalten werden. [source] European Union Accession Dynamics and Democratization in Central and Eastern Europe: Past and Future Perspectives1GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 3 2006Geoffrey Pridham EU influence in encouraging and promoting democratic consolidation in Central and Eastern Europe has been extensive, though in a wide rather than deep sense. But, as shown by the enlargement process up to 2004, accession dynamics are the crucial force driving governments in the region to meet the EU's political conditionality. Despite the latter's deficiencies, it has by and large contributed towards democratic consolidation in the new member states notwithstanding some negative aspects of accession. The clear lesson for further enlargement in post-Communist Europe is that EU pressure and promise over integration will be decisive in new candidate states, even though their capacity to achieve the political conditions is more problematic. It follows too that any lessening of EU commitment is likely to undermine democratization efforts there. [source] Enlargement and the European employment strategy: turbulent times ahead?INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS JOURNAL, Issue 5 2003Mike Ingham The European Employment Strategy (EES) is set to remain centre stage as the EU embraces ten new member states. The evidence regarding the prospects of the accession countries meeting the increasingly explicit targets that the EES has set for the years up to 2010 does not yield a favourable prognosis. [source] Rural and agri-tourism as a tool for reorganising rural areas in old and new member states,,,a comparison study of Ireland and PolandINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM RESEARCH, Issue 2 2005Cecilia Hegarty Abstract Both assessment of the physical, economic and social impacts of enlargement and monitoring the implementation of policy directives are vital to future European Union operation. This paper investigates tourism development within relatively underdeveloped regions within Ireland and Poland, and it suggests implications for tourism operations. Comparison is made between product and service offerings in both regions. Strong similarities exist between the profiles of operators, operator motivations differ, and business diversification depends on regional resources and dependency on tourism markets. The level of diversification ultimately determines rural tourism development. The value of using Ireland as a reference model for Polish development and critical issues for tourism advisors and policy makers are discussed. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] International knowledge and innovation networks for European integration, cohesion, and enlargement*INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL, Issue 180 2004Riccardo Cappellin Nowadays, it is widely accepted that knowledge and learning are the core of competitiveness, international division of labour and agglomeration and exclusion phenomena. Yet we are still in need of a better understanding of the processes which allow access by individual regions both to codified knowledge and RTD networks as well as tacit knowledge and know-how at the international/interregional level. This paper will discuss possible approaches to analyse the mechanisms which operate at the international/interregional level and lead to higher forms of integration of industrial and service firms, not only in a commercial or financial perspective but also in knowledge and innovation networks. It will point to a need to develop policy strategies in support of institutions that create and transfer knowledge on a European scale and outline open questions for the creation of the necessary institutional background for the creation and the support of knowledge and innovation networks at this level and for the conditions of its transferability to Objective 1 regions and the EU new member states and candidate countries. [source] The development and regulation of lobbying in the new member states of the European UnionJOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 1-2 2008Conor McGrath This paper focuses on lobbying as a political activity and the emergence of lobbying regulation in 10 new member states of the European Union (EU). The analysis begins with general observations about lobbying in post-communist states and on the development of lobbying in three of the larger new member states: Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic. Key to how lobbying will continue to develop in the future in these 10 countries is how it will be regulated and controlled. Therefore, the paper examines this in some detail. The analysis concludes with some recommendations on the role that could be played by professional bodies, which represent lobbyists in gaining more acceptance for interest groups in these new member states. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] New economic geography meets ComeconTHE ECONOMICS OF TRANSITION, Issue 2 2006Regional wages, industry location in central Europe EU regions; market access; new economic geography; Comecon hypothesis Abstract We analyse the internal spatial wage and employment structures of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia, using regional data for 1996,2000. A new economic geography model predicts wage gradients and specialization patterns that are smoothly related to the regions' relative market access. As an alternative, we formulate a ,Comecon hypothesis', according to which wages and sectoral location are not systematically related to market access except for discrete concentrations in capital regions. Estimations support both the NEG (new economic geography) prediction and the Comecon hypothesis. However, when we compare internal wage and employment gradients of the five new member states with those of Western European countries, we find that the former are marked by significantly stronger discrete concentrations of wages and service employment in their capital regions, confirming the ongoing relevance of the Comecon hypothesis. [source] European Enlargement and Agro-Food TradeCANADIAN JOURNAL OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS, Issue 4 2008tefan Bojnec This paper investigates the level, composition, and differences in the dynamics of revealed comparative advantage and trade specialization patterns of the 12 new member states (NMS-12) as part of the enlarged European Union 27 countries (EU-27). The NMS-12 are classified into four country groups: the Baltic States, the CEFTA-5, and the Mediterranean and the Balkan regions. The empirical analysis employs a regression framework, a duration analysis, Markov transition probability matrices, and mobility indices. Trade increases with the EU enlargement and so does revealed comparative advantage in agro-food products. There are catching-up difficulties, as indicated by revealed comparative advantage, in higher added-value processed products. Le présent article examine le degré, la composition et les différences de la dynamique des avantages comparatifs révélés ainsi que les caractéristiques de la spécialisation du commerce des douze nouveaux pays membres (NPM-12) de l'Union européenne élargie (UE,27). Les 12 nouveaux pays membres sont divisés en quatre groupes: les États baltiques, les cinq pays membres de l'ALECE, la région de la Méditerranée et la région des Balkans. L'analyse empirique utilise un modèle de régression, une analyse de durée, des matrices de probabilités des transitions (Markov) et des indices de mobilité. Les échanges augmentent avec l'élargissement de l'UE tout comme les avantages comparatifs révélés des produits agroalimentaires. On observe des difficultés de rattrapage, comme l'indique l'avantage comparatif révélé, dans le cas des produits transformés à forte valeur ajoutée. [source] Corruption and environmental policies: what are the implications for the enlarged EU?ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY AND GOVERNANCE, Issue 3 2006Lorenzo Pellegrini Abstract The paper discusses the prescription of EU environmental regulations for new member states. It has been argued that these countries should be allowed looser directives as a way to take into consideration their lower income levels and correspondingly different priorities. The paper estimates the determinants of environmental policies' stringency. We find that corruption levels are the most important factor in explaining the variance in environmental policies in the enlarged EU. Most notably, differences in corruption levels across countries appear to be more important than income differences. Thus, it is argued, lower environmental standards in new member states are not necessarily implied by lower income levels, but they are more likely to reflect low institutional quality. We argue that harmonization of environmental policies at the EU level can be a way to tackle this problem, and we provide a further rationale for new members states to adjust to existing EU environmental directives. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [source] |