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New Government (new + government)

Distribution by Scientific Domains
Humanities and Social Sciences55%
Business, Economics, Finance and Accounting44%

Selected Abstracts

How the New Government Utilizes Emerging Internet Media in Japan

ASIAN POLITICS AND POLICY, Issue 4 2010
Masahiro Matsuura
The newly elected Hatoyama administration has launched several projects on the Internet to facilitate interactions with the public. Politicians use Twitter to tweet their political activities and interact with other users. Government agencies have launched several new Web sites, such as hatomimi and jukugi kake-ai, and integrated video-steaming sites, such as ustream.com. Notwithstanding these efforts, however, the new administration has not yet been able to apply these forums to resolving hard political issues. [source]

Transforming the NHS: what chance for the new government?

ECONOMIC AFFAIRS, Issue 4 2001
Jennifer Dixon
This paper reviews Labour's record on the NHS since the 1997 general election. The record shows increased financial investment especially since 2002, coupled with a marked centralisation of strategy and management which is proving counter-productive to further modernisation. [source]

Assessment: Economic risks for the new government

ECONOMIC OUTLOOK, Issue 2 2005
Article first published online: 4 MAY 200
First page of article [source]

Printing the Regicide of Charles I

HISTORY, Issue 296 2004
MOS TUBB
The execution of Charles I by the English republic on 30 January 1649 was the most unpopular political act of the seventeenth century. Yet within three weeks of Charles's death the leaders of the new government were ,cheerful and well pleased'. This article explores one of the key reasons for their good mood: they had just managed a polemical triumph. In the weeks following the regicide, parliament and its supporters had justified the king's execution with a wide array of printed documents. Further, various government agents severely hampered the republic's opponents from printing their own missives, thereby creating a fairly clear space for the pro-regicide press. Although the long-term impact may have been limited, there can be little doubt that the English republic and its proponents asserted a potent case for regicide in early February 1649. [source]

Regime change and nation building: can donors restore governance in post-conflict states?

PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION & DEVELOPMENT, Issue 1 2005
Dennis A. Rondinelli
Foreign aid agencies and international assistance organisations are now heavily involved in nation building in post-conflict states. Their record of strengthening democratic governance in countries where civil war or military force replaced unpopular regimes is mixed. Experience suggests that a complex set of conditions must be created quickly in order to rebuild indigenous governance. Ensuring security, providing assistance through a transparent and coherent plan of action, coordinating donors' activities, establishing strong and legitimate national authority, strengthening democratic political processes, transferring responsibility and resources for development to a new government, stabilising the economy and strengthening social capital and human assets must all be done in quick succession. Achieving these goals requires a cadre of civilian and, sometimes, military personnel with expertise in post-conflict nation building. The frequency with which government aid programmes and international assistance organisations engage in post-conflict reconstruction also suggests the need for more explicit national and international policies and the creation of specialised nation-building agencies to undertake these difficult tasks. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]

A scientific study of Choson white ware: early porcelain from a royal kiln at Kwangju Usanni

ARCHAEOMETRY, Issue 2 2002
C. K. Koh Choo
Scientific study of kiln site no. 9 at Usanni, one of the earliest royal Kwangju kiln complexes in operation (from the early 15th to the early 16th century), shows that the technological expertise used to produce white ware was inherited from the celadon technology of the Koryo dynasty. The body material, of low Al2O3 and high SiO2 content, is based on porcelain stone. Such a material, with almost no titanium and a low level of iron, was a rediscovery of the white ware material used earlier at the Sori kiln from the 9th century through to the 11th century. Ash continued to be one of the major ingredients of the glaze, and wares were fired in much the same way as the Koryo celadon, in kilns constructed of mud and rocks and in two steps. The Confucian philosophy and aesthetic of frugality and simplicity adopted from the Ming dynasty onwards by the new government acted as the catalyst for the successful ascent of the new technology. [source]

Rethinking Caretaker Conventions for Australian Governments

AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, Issue 3 2001
Glyn Davis
Australia has well-established conventions for caretaker governments. These conventions regulate how a government should operate once an election is called, and have been documented for some decades. Yet the current conventions date from an era when elections usually produced clear and immediate results. Can our caretaker conventions cope with the emerging reality of indecisive elections and long delays before a new government is confirmed? This paper canvasses the state of Australia's caretaker conventions and offers suggestions for an expanded, contemporary code. [source]

The Canadian public service has a personality

CANADIAN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION/ADMINISTRATION PUBLIQUE DU CANADA, Issue 3 2006
Donald J. Savoie
This paper argues that this view no longer reflects reality. It looks to developments in both countries to justify this contention, maintaining that the claim is even more relevant in Canada than in the United Kingdom. The public service's separate identity can be found in our unwritten, informal constitution. A number of measures introduced in recent years, including access to information and whistleblowing legislation, combined with other developments, such as the role played by the public service in a transition to a new government and a number of judicial decisions, have also given a distinct persona and a constitutional personality to the public service. The implications for the relationship between politicians and public servants and for accountability in government are far-reaching. The challenge now is to put in place measures designed to protect the non-partisan, professional character of the public service. Sommaire: La notion selon laquelle la fonction publique n'a pas de personnalité constitutionnelle ni d'identité distincte du gouvernement du jour a été un élément clé dans les négociations qui guident les relations entre le Parlement, les ministres et les fonctionnaires en Grande-Bretagne tout comme au Canada. Cet article prétend que ce point de vue ne reflète plus la réalité. II étudie les faits nouveaux dans les deux pays pour justifier cette assertion, et maintient que cette allégation est encore plus pertinente au Canada qu'au Royaume-Uni. L'identité distincte de la fonction publique peut se trouver dans notre constitution orale, informelle. Un certain nombre de mesures adoptées ces dernières années - dont les lois sur l'accès à l'information et sur la dénonciation - s'ajoutant à d'autres développements tels que le rôle joué par la fonction publique au cours de la transition vers un nouveau gouvernement et un certain nombre de jurisprudences, ont aussi donné une identité distincte et une personnalité constitutionnelle à la fonction publique. Les implications que cela entraîne pour les relations entre les politiciens et les fonctionnaires ainsi que pour l'imputabilité au sein du gouvernement sont très vastes. Dés lors, le défi consiste à mettre en place des mesures conçues pour protéger l'aspect professionnel et non partisan de la fonction publique. [source]

Transforming the US,ROK Alliance: Changes in Strategy, Military and Bases,

PACIFIC FOCUS, Issue 1 2009
Jae-Jung Suh
Since the waning days of the Cold War, the US,ROK alliance has gone through a number of changes. Its transformation has accelerated for the past several years in no small part due to the Bush administration's new strategy, military transformation, and global base realignment as well as the Roh government's desire for self-reliant defense. This article outlines the ways in which the three changes have affected the alliance, and assesses the impacts they are likely to have on the security of the Korean peninsula and Northeast Asia. It concludes with a consideration of the modifications that the new governments in Seoul and Washington are likely to make to the transformation of the alliance in the near future. [source]