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Neoliberal Globalization (neoliberal + globalization)
Selected AbstractsCity-Regions, Neoliberal Globalization and Democracy: A Research AgendaINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 1 2007MARK PURCELL This paper argues that research on city-regions could benefit from more sustained and critical attention to the question of democracy. That is, it should examine more closely how decisions in city-regions are made, why they are made that way, and how they can be made more democratically. Much current research on politics in cities has framed the issue in terms of citizenship. That work has produced great insight. However, the attention to citizenship has prompted very little attention to democracy, even though the two concepts are deeply intertwined. Current interest in city-regions opens up the possibility that a vibrant line of research on democracy can be added to and engage with that on citizenship. [source] Human Rights in an Era of Neoliberal Globalization: The Alien Tort Claims Act and Grassroots Mobilization in Doe v. UnocalLAW & SOCIETY REVIEW, Issue 2 2009Cheryl Holzmeyer This article examines a widely publicized corporate accountability and human rights case filed by Burmese plaintiffs and human rights litigators in 1996 under the Alien Tort Claims Act in U.S. courts, Doe v. Unocal, in conjunction with the three main theoretical approaches to analyzing how law may matter for broader social change efforts: (1) legal realism, (2) Critical Legal Studies (CLS), and (3) legal mobilization. The article discusses interactions between Doe v. Unocal and grassroots Burmese human rights activism in the San Francisco Bay Area, including intersections with corporate accountability activism. It argues that a transnationally attuned legal mobilization framework, rather than legal realist or CLS approaches, is most appropriate to analyze the political opportunities and indirect effects of Doe v. Unocal and similar litigation in the context of neoliberal globalization. Further, this article argues that human rights discourse may serve as a common vocabulary and counterhegemonic resource for activists and litigators in cases such as Doe v. Unocal, contrary to overarching critiques of such discourse that emphasize only its hegemonic potentials in global governance regimes. [source] Power, Borders, Security, Wealth: Lessons of Violence and Desire from September 11INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2004Anna M. Agathangelou America's "war on terror" and Al Qaeda's "jihad" reflect mirror strategies of imperial politics. Each camp transnationalizes violence and insecurity in the name of national or communal security. Neoliberal globalization underpins this militarization of daily life. Its desire industries motivate and legitimate elite arguments (whether from "infidels" or "terrorists") that society must sacrifice for its hypermasculine leaders. Such violence and desire draw on colonial identities of Self vs. Other, patriotism vs. treason, hunter vs. prey, and masculinity vs. femininity that are played out on the bodies of ordinary men and women. We conclude with suggestions of a human security to displace the elite privilege that currently besets world politics. [source] ,People Is All That Is Left to Privatize': Water Supply Privatization, Globalization and Social Justice in Belize City, BelizeINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2009DAANISH MUSTAFA Abstract This article presents the findings of an extensive survey on public and policy level perceptions of the failed water supply and sanitation system privatization in Belize City. Drawing upon the burgeoning critical geographical literature on the commodification and privatization of water, we formulate a conceptual framework for analyzing the ethnographic data on perceptions and experience of privatization by Belize City water users. The experience of water supply privatization was largely negative. Residents complained bitterly about an increase in water tariffs and excessive disconnection rates by the privatized Belize Water Supply Limited (BWSL). Many policy makers also accused BWSL of front-loading profits and not making strategic investments in infrastructure. But the symbolic significance of water privatization for the residents of a small Caribbean country like Belize exceeded its practical implications. We argue that the major themes to emerge from the ethnographic data collected for the study can be synthesized into three ,popular privatization narratives' (PPNs). The first was based on the perception that poor governance led to privatization; the second on a preference for national- over global-scale politics, so that objections to privatization were based on nationalism; the third on angst about losing control to the systemic compulsions of neoliberal globalization. Overall the privatization process not only had important (largely negative) material consequences for Belizeans but, given their historical and cultural geography, profound discursive and symbolic consequences for their sense of identity in a condition of neoliberal globalization. Résumé Cet article présente les résultats d'une vaste enquête sur les impressions, de la population et des acteurs des politiques publiques, concernant l'échec de la privatisation du réseau d'approvisionnement en eau et d'assainissement de Belize City. Utilisant les publications géographiques critiques qui se multiplient sur la marchandisation et la privatisation de l'eau, un cadre conceptuel est formulé pour analyser les données ethnographiques sur les impressions et l'expérience de la privatisation émanant des usagers de l'eau de Belize City. L'expérience de cette privatisation a été en grande partie négative. Les habitants se plaignent amèrement de l'augmentation des tarifs et de taux de coupures excessifs par la société privée Belize Water Supply Limited (BWSL). De nombreux décideurs politiques ont également accusé BWSL de prélever les bénéfices sans effectuer d'investissements stratégiques d'infrastructure. Toutefois, la place symbolique de la privatisation de l'eau pour les habitants d'un petit pays de la mer des Antilles comme Belize dépasse les incidences pratiques. Les principaux thèmes dessinés par les données ethnographiques collectées peuvent se résumer en trois ,récits populaires de la privatization'. Le premier repose sur l'impression que la faiblesse de la gouvernance a conduit à la privatisation; le deuxième sur une préférence pour une politique à l'échelon national plutôt que mondial, de sorte que les objections à la privatisation étaient liées au nationalisme; le troisième sur l'angoisse de perdre la maîtrise des pressions systémiques exercées par la mondialisation néolibérale. En général, le processus de privatisation a eu des conséquences matérielles importantes (en grande partie négatives) pour les Béliziens mais aussi, étant donnée la géographie historique et culturelle nationale, de profondes implications discursives et symboliques sur leur sens de l'identité dans un contexte de mondialisation néolibérale. [source] Glocalizing protest: urban conflicts and the global social movementsINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 4 2003Bettina Köhler The emergence of global social movements is essentially symbolized by the names of cities like Seattle, Genoa or Porto Alegre. This is not accidental, because groups stemming from various parts of the world need places to constitute themselves as movements. But the role of cities in representing great parts of the movements' consciousness also hints at the importance urban struggles have for global protests. The article examines the relationship between urban conflicts and global social movements. By looking for continuities and ruptures between former and current urban conflicts it points out the specificity of the latter: to politicize the contradictions of neoliberal restructuring; to challenge the discursive and institutional terrains of urban politics which were shaped in the 1990s, often with active participation of former movement actors; and, finally, to act simultaneously on various spatial scales. In the last part of the article some examples of ,glocalized' urban protests are presented and analysed, pointing out their ambiguities as well as the specific contribution they can make to the strategic orientation of the global social movements: to fight the destructive influences neoliberal globalization exerts on everyday life and, thereby, to develop alternative forms of societalization. L'apparition des mouvements sociaux mondiaux est essentiellement symbolisée par les noms de ville comme Seattle, Gênes ou Pôrto Alegre. Cela n'a rien de fortuit puisque des groupes issus de plusieurs parties du monde ont besoin de lieux pour se constituer en mouvements. Toutefois, le rôle des villes dans la représentation de vastes pans de la conscience de mouvements suggére l'importance des luttes urbaines pour la contestation planétaire. L'article examine le rapport entre les conflits urbains et les mouvements sociaux mondiaux. En recherchant continuités et ruptures entre l'agitation urbaine antérieure et actuelle, il souligne la spécificité de cette dernière: politiser les contradictions de la restructuration néo-libérale; remettre en cause les terrains discursifs et institutionnels de la politique urbaine dessinés dans les années 1990, souvent avec la participation active d'anciens acteurs des mouvements; et finalement intervenir simultanément sur plusieurs échelles spatiales. La dernière partie de l'article présente et analyse quelques cas de contestations urbaines ,glocalisées', relevant leurs ambiguïtés, ainsi que la contribution qu'elles peuvent apporter à l'orientation stratégique des mouvements sociaux mondiaux: combattre les influences destructrices de la ,globalisation' néo-libérale sur la vie quotidienne et, ce faisant, créer de nouvelles formes sociétales. [source] Toward an Anti-disciplinary Global StudiesINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 1 2003Stephen J. Rosow Abstract This article investigates the prospects for interdisciplinary global studies in the changing context of university education. Its central question is: as power and structure in the university become more and more integrated with the transformations of globalization, how can global studies become an authorized site of research and teaching while resisting the rules and micro-powers in the university that constitute it as such an authorized site which is increasingly determined by neoliberal globalization? [source] The MST and the EZLN Struggle for Land: New Forms of Peasant RebellionsJOURNAL OF AGRARIAN CHANGE, Issue 3 2009LEANDRO VERGARA-CAMUS In this article, the author reviews some of the conclusions of the literature on peasant rebellions in the light of current land struggles of the Landless Rural Workers' Movement (MST) in Brazil and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in Chiapas, Mexico. The author argues that conventional explanations of peasant rebellions are inappropriate for the analysis of current land struggles in Latin America in the midst of the process of neoliberal globalization. Neither struggle can be characterized as ,quasi-feudal', nor as conservative reactions, but instead should be interpreted as attempts to create a basis for self-subsistence and autonomy. Consequently, the author proposes Marx's concept of alienated labour as an alternative explanatory concept, because it highlights one of the main objectives of the members of the MST and the EZLN, which is the control over their livelihood through a struggle for their re-peasantization. [source] Human Rights in an Era of Neoliberal Globalization: The Alien Tort Claims Act and Grassroots Mobilization in Doe v. UnocalLAW & SOCIETY REVIEW, Issue 2 2009Cheryl Holzmeyer This article examines a widely publicized corporate accountability and human rights case filed by Burmese plaintiffs and human rights litigators in 1996 under the Alien Tort Claims Act in U.S. courts, Doe v. Unocal, in conjunction with the three main theoretical approaches to analyzing how law may matter for broader social change efforts: (1) legal realism, (2) Critical Legal Studies (CLS), and (3) legal mobilization. The article discusses interactions between Doe v. Unocal and grassroots Burmese human rights activism in the San Francisco Bay Area, including intersections with corporate accountability activism. It argues that a transnationally attuned legal mobilization framework, rather than legal realist or CLS approaches, is most appropriate to analyze the political opportunities and indirect effects of Doe v. Unocal and similar litigation in the context of neoliberal globalization. Further, this article argues that human rights discourse may serve as a common vocabulary and counterhegemonic resource for activists and litigators in cases such as Doe v. Unocal, contrary to overarching critiques of such discourse that emphasize only its hegemonic potentials in global governance regimes. [source] Literacy, Knowledge Production, and Grassroots Civil Society: Constructing Critical Responses to Neoliberal DominanceANTHROPOLOGY & EDUCATION QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2009Erika MeinArticle first published online: 14 DEC 200 Within the context of neoliberal globalization, portrayals of "literacy" and "knowledge" are increasingly emphasized for their instrumental value for individuals and markets. At the same time, locally situated movements have emerged to challenge, resist, and transform these representations. This article examines a grassroots movement in Mexico, the Feria Pedagógica (Pedagogical Fair), as one such site of contestation. Grounded in nonmainstream notions of "civil society," this movement represents an alternative educational space where literacy practices are tied to the construction of counterhegemonic identities and epistemologies.[literacy, civil society, social movements, popular education, Mexico] [source] Informal and Illicit Entrepreneurs: Fighting for a Place in the Neoliberal Economic OrderANTHROPOLOGY OF WORK REVIEW, Issue 2 2008Rebecca B. Galemba Abstract A panel at the 2007 meetings of the American Anthropological Association examined the working lives of illicit and informal entrepreneurs living in "the gaps" or "shadows" of neoliberal globalization. Panelists challenged dichotomies such as informal/formal and legal/illegal by examining the everyday practices of workers in diverse settings. Emphasis was placed on entrepreneurs' efforts to legitimate their activities and identities to themselves and others. [source] Anthropology in the financial crisisANTHROPOLOGY TODAY, Issue 6 2008Keith Hart This editorial considers the opportunities opened up for anthropologists by the financial crisis of 2008. The chief of these is the exposure of cracks in the intellectual hegemony of free-market economics which contributed to an unnecessarily defensive posture on the part of most anthropologists during the period of neoliberal globalization. The authors claim that anthropology can bridge the gap between everyday life and the world at large by combining the study of ideas and social actions. We draw on Ortiz's research among financial professionals to show how working practices informed by economic liberalism can have extremely unequal consequences for the global distribution of resources. The perspectives of Mauss and Polanyi on political economy can help us to make sense of the current situation and to recommend a path forward beyond market fundamentalism. Their general ideas lend power to the concrete findings of field research. The mask of neoliberal ideology has been ripped from the politics of world economy. Anthropology's highest mission is to start from where people are and go with them wherever they take you. What better time to follow this imperative than when the model the world has been compelled to live by for three decades is in such disarray? [source] Tibet and the Problem of Radical ReductionismANTIPODE, Issue 5 2009Emily T. Yeh Abstract:, This article takes issue with a mode of argumentation advanced by a number of left-leaning, radical scholars, including those associated with China's New Left, about the causes of the Tibetan unrest in China in spring 2008. According to this stance, the Tibetan protests were the result of external manipulation by neoconservative, reactionary forces, ranging from the CIA to the Dalai Lama. The unstated premise of this response is that taking a critical stance against western imperialism and neoliberal globalization necessitates a defense of China's policies in Tibet. Such arguments take the form of unfavorable comparisons between Tibetans and Palestinians especially because the former are often romanticized, suggestions that Tibetans are unfortunate ideological victims of US-funded propaganda, and claims that they should be grateful for Chinese state-funded development. This response renders Tibetans incapable of being authentic political subjects. A radical stance on Western imperialism and capitalism should reject such reductionism. [source] | ||||||||||