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National Interests (national + interest)
Selected AbstractsEuropean Union Security Dynamics: In the New National Interest , By J. Haaland MatlaryJCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 4 2009FRANKOWSKI No abstract is available for this article. [source] Addressing Global Health Research in the National InterestJOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH DENTISTRY, Issue 2 2007Lois K. Cohen PhD No abstract is available for this article. [source] Policy Autonomy and the History of British Aid to AfricaDEVELOPMENT POLICY REVIEW, Issue 6 2005Tony Killick This article utilises historical information to throw light on the forces shaping British aid policies towards Africa. It outlines key long-term policy developments, summarises the influences shaping these policies and comments on the present juncture of UK policies. It shows that, while there have been many influences, governments have enjoyed considerable policy autonomy, being largely unconstrained in pursuing their preferences in a top-down manner. This autonomy has mainly been used for the pursuit of long-term development, as against the promotion of the UK's national interest. The present thrust of UK policies to achieve massive increases in aid to Africa is a prime example of this policy autonomy. [source] Manufacturing Reputations in Late Eighteenth-Century BirminghamHISTORICAL RESEARCH, Issue 181 2000Nigel Stirk This article examines the importance of local reputation and collaborative commercial politics for the business practices of individuals in industrializing Birmingham. It is suggested that shared ideas about quality standards, free trade and the national interest were instrumental in encouraging businessmen to work together to establish local representative institutions. Furthermore, these normative conceptions of how trade should be conducted reflected particular interpretations of the history of Birmingham and of individual enterprise. It is concluded that the particular geography of a provincial town was central to the application of principles and abstract ideas. [source] The American national interest and global public goodsINTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, Issue 2 2002Joseph S. Nye Jr Since the end of the Cold War, Americans have been divided over how to be involved with the rest of the world. In the wake of the 11 September terrorist attacks, the debate between those who favour a unilateral foreign policy and those who advocate a multilateral approach has been brought to the fore in American politics and the media. In this article, Joseph Nye proposes a conception of the American national interest grounded in multilateralism. He argues that, although the United States remains the world's leading power, it cannot act alone to solve global problems such as transnational terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and global warming. Although the United States is the only country in a position to take the lead in protecting ,global public goods', such as an open international economic system and international stability, it will maintain its current predominance only if it works to establish international consensus on issues of global importance. [source] The Decline of America's Soft Power in the United Nations1INTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 3 2009Monti Narayan Datta To what extent does anti-Americanism precipitate a decline in America's soft power? Nye postulates a negative relationship, presenting substantial implications for the U.S. national interest. In this paper, I test Nye's hypothesis through an examination of America's political influence within the United Nations. Using a fixed effects model, I regress voting alignment within the UN General Assembly (UNGA) on cross-national, aggregate public opinion toward the United States from 1985 to 2007. Controlling for foreign aid received and alliances with the United States, I find a statistically significant, positive relationship between favorable attitudes toward the United States and voting alignment within the UNGA on overall plenary votes and those votes for which the U.S. lobbies other UN-member states extensively. At the same time, controlling for temporal effects, states are far less supportive of U.S. interests in the UN throughout the tenure of President George W. Bush, capturing the effect of "anti-Bushism" in addition to anti-Americanism. The results of this study shed light on an emerging area of the literature that not only studies the sources of anti-Americanism, but also its consequences. [source] Constructing Foreign Policy Crises: Interpretive Leadership in the Cold War and War on TerrorismINTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2007Wesley W. Widmaier Over the past century, crises have often driven shifts in U.S. foreign policy, as a liberal tradition has been permissive of varying tendencies to isolationism, pragmatism, or a crusading internationalism. While materialist analyses emphasize the impacts of crises on the capabilities of state and societal agents, they obscure the role of agents in interpreting crises. In this paper, I therefore offer a constructivist analysis, stressing the role of presidential rhetoric in the construction of crises as events which legitimate shifts between variants of the American liberal tradition and definitions of the national interest. I specifically examine interpretations of the Cold War and War on Terror offered in the March 1947 Truman Doctrine speech and September 2001 Bush Doctrine speech. Truman and Bush each reinterpreted international challenges as pertaining to "ways of life," transforming security and partisan debates in ways that delegitimated isolationism. In sum, this analysis highlights the enduring traditions and mass understandings which can themselves constrain elite debates. [source] The Moral Reality in RealismJOURNAL OF APPLIED PHILOSOPHY, Issue 2 2005C. A. J. COADY abstract This paper aims to gain a deeper understanding of the different forms of moralism in order to throw light upon debates about the role of morality in international affairs. In particular, the influential doctrine of political realism is reinterpreted as objecting not to a role for morality in international politics, but to the baneful effects of moralism. This is a more sympathetic reading than that usually given by philosophers to the realist doctrines. I begin by showing the ambiguity and elusiveness of realist claims about morality in politics and then distinguish six forms of moralism, understood as a distortion of genuine morality: moralism of scope, of imposition, of abstraction, of absolutism, of inappropriate explicitness, and of deluded power. I argue that most of these are relevant to typical realist claims and can make their objections more plausible. But, though realists can be interpreted as rightly drawing attention to the dangers of moralism in international and national affairs, their conflation of moralism with morality wrongly leads them to an exaltation of the pursuit of national interest and to the rejection of policies and judgements that are not in fact moralistic. [source] Framing Anti-Americanism and the Media in South Korea: TV vs Newspaper,PACIFIC FOCUS, Issue 3 2009Yongho Kim This study indicates a stark contrast between the frames by TV news and that of the major newspapers in the coverage of the two candlelight demonstrations in 2002 and 2008 in South Korea. The contrast implies that the frames used by TV news and major newspapers were constructed by two different thematic frames that competed for dominance in public concern: national interest on the one hand, and national prestige and human interests on the other. The TV news framed stories on the 2002 Yangju county accident and the import of American beef in ways to trigger anti-Americanism, which was contrasted with major newspapers' consistent emphasis on national interest. Difference in ownership, target audience and the degree of dependence on advertising sponsors offered plausible explanations for the difference in frames. In addition, the number of journalists going into politics also offered insights into why TV news and newspapers framed the 2002 Yangju county accident and the import of US beef in very unique ways, either by triggering anti-demonstrations or by tranquilizing protests through emphasizing national interests. Overall, difference in frames between major TV news and major newspaper stories represents ideological difference in the public opinion over conservatives versus progressives. [source] Trust Your Compatriots, but Count Your Change: The Roles of Trust, Mistrust and Distrust in DemocracyPOLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 2 2008Patti Tamara Lenard Although trust is clearly central to human relations of all kinds, it is less clear whether there is a role for trust in democratic politics. In this article, I argue that trust is central to democratic institutions as well as to democratic political participation, and that arguments which make distrust the central element of democracy fail. First, I argue for the centrality of trust to the democratic process. The voluntary compliance that is central to democracies relies on trust, along two dimensions: citizens must trust their legislators to have the national interest in mind and citizens must trust each other to abide by democratically established laws. Second, I refute arguments that place distrust at the centre of democratic institutions. I argue, instead, that citizens must be vigilant with respect to their legislators and fellow citizens; that is, they must be willing to ensure that the institutions are working fairly and that people continue to abide by shared regulations. This vigilance , which is reflected both in a set of institutions as well as an active citizenry , is motivated by an attitude termed ,mistrust'. Mistrust is a cautious attitude that propels citizens to maintain a watchful eye on the political and social happenings within their communities. Moreover, mistrust depends on trust: we trust fellow citizens to monitor for abuses of our own rights and privileges just as we monitor for abuses of their rights and privileges. Finally, I argue that distrust is inimical to democracy. We are, consequently, right to worry about widespread reports of trust's decline. Just as distrust is harmful to human relations of all kinds, and just as trust is central to positive human relations of all kinds, so is distrust inimical to democracy and trust central to its flourishing. [source] Ethics and Foreign Policy: the Antinomies of New Labour's ,Third Way' in Sub-Saharan AfricaPOLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 2 2001Rita Abrahamsen This article explores how New Labour has attempted to implement its ideas about a ,third way' foreign policy in sub-Saharan Africa. Through an examination of British foreign policy practices, we explore whether New Labour has succeeded in finding a ,third way' between traditional views of socialism and capitalism in Africa. In particular, the article focuses on New Labour's attempts to build peace, prosperity and democracy on the African continent. We conclude that although New Labour's claims to add an ,ethical dimension' to foreign policy have succeeded in giving Britain a higher profile in the international arena, the implementation of such a policy is intrinsically difficult. These difficulties in turn arise from the antinomies embodied in New Labour's policy, or more specifically from the tension between the liberal internationalism of the third way and traditional concerns for the national interest, as well as the contradictions inherent in a commitment to both political and economic liberalism. [source] Promoting Infant Health Through Home Visiting By a Nurse-Managed Community Worker TeamPUBLIC HEALTH NURSING, Issue 4 2001Cynthia Barnes-Boyd R.N., Ph.D. This article describes the Resources, Education and Care in the Home program (REACH-Futures), an infant mortality reduction initiative in the inner city of Chicago built on the World Health Organization (WHO) primary health care model and over a decade of experience administering programs to reduce infant mortality through home visits. The program uses a nurse-managed team, which includes community residents selected, trained, and integrated as health advocates. Service participants were predominately African American families. All participants were low-income and resided in inner-city neighborhoods with high unemployment, high teen birth rates, violent crime, and deteriorated neighborhoods. Outcomes for the first 666 participants are compared to a previous home-visiting program that used only nurses. Participant retention rates were equivalent overall and significantly higher in the first months of the REACH-Futures program. There were two infant deaths during the course of the study, a lower death rate than the previous program or the city. Infant health problems and developmental levels were equivalent to the prior program and significantly more infants were fully immunized at 12 months. The authors conclude that the use of community workers as a part of the home-visiting team is as effective as the nurse-only team in meeting the needs of families at high risk of poor infant outcomes. This approach is of national interest because of its potential to achieve the desired outcomes in a cost-effective manner. [source] Access and Outcomes Among Minority Transplant Patients, 1999,2008, with a Focus on Determinants of Kidney Graft SurvivalAMERICAN JOURNAL OF TRANSPLANTATION, Issue 4p2 2010P.-Y. Fan Coincident with an increasing national interest in equitable health care, a number of studies have described disparities in access to solid organ transplantation for minority patients. In contrast, relatively little is known about differences in posttransplant outcomes between patients of specific racial and ethnic populations. In this paper, we review trends in access to solid organ transplantation and posttransplant outcomes by organ type, race and ethnicity. In addition, we present an analysis of categories of factors that contribute to the racial/ethnic variation seen in kidney transplant outcomes. Disparities in minority access to transplantation among wait-listed candidates are improving, but persist for those awaiting kidney, simultaneous kidney and pancreas and intestine transplantation. In general, graft and patient survival among recipients of solid organ transplants is highest for Asians and Hispanic/Latinos, intermediate for whites and lowest for African Americans. Although much of the difference in outcomes between racial/ethnic groups can be accounted for by adjusting for patient characteristics, important observed differences remain. Age and duration of pretransplant dialysis exposure emerge as the most important determinants of survival in an investigation of the relative impact of center-related versus patient-related variables on kidney graft outcomes. [source] Committing to regional cooperation: ASEAN, globalisation and the Shin Corporation , Temasek Holdings dealASIA PACIFIC VIEWPOINT, Issue 3 2009Sajid Anwar Abstract This paper investigates the relationship between regional and national identities in the age of globalisation, with particular reference to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). For members of ASEAN, economic integration is seen as a necessary step forward in order to (i) reduce reliance on Western countries during times of economic crisis and (ii) speed up the recovery process in the aftermath of a crisis. The concept of an ASEAN Economic Community represents a step towards achieving this goal. However, by means of a case study, this paper demonstrates that the idea of an ASEAN Economic Community does not yet have sufficiently solid foundations. Cracks appear when member states act in response to national interest. Given the frequency of friction between member nations, and the fact that ASEAN members are quite diverse in both economic and cultural respects, there is still much more to be done to realise the objective of forming an effective and credible regional economic group. In this paper some suggestions are offered that might assist with the achievement of this goal. [source] Pax Democratica: The Gospel According to St. DemocracyAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 2 2003Mathurin C. Houngnikpo The thaw of the Cold War ended the chess game between the superpowers and seemingly gave new momentum to the revival and spread of liberal democracy and its corollary, capitalism. Just as missionaries once offered Christianity to "save" colonised peoples, democracy has become the new gospel promising "salvation". Both donor and recipient countries appeal to democracy, hoping that it will reverse decades of misfortune. Donor nations and multilateral financial institutions preach democratic governance. "Born again democratic" national leaders in the South who are intent on clinging to power attend to their sermons. None appear to have a genuine faith in democracy. While some nations and NGOs do give altruistically, most use foreign aid as another means of pursuing their national interest. Democracy is an elastic concept. Indeed it seems, at least at this point, that the new gospel of democracy is but a convenient tool used by different players for they own selfish reasons. [source] Narratives of Community and Change in a Contemporary Rural Setting: The Case of Duaringa, QueenslandGEOGRAPHICAL RESEARCH, Issue 2 2001Ruth Panelli Contemporary rural communities are being affected by a range of changes and processes in Australia, including major changes in demographic patterns; the organisation and performance of primary industries; levels of government support for economic and social infrastructure; and wider developments in technology and changing socio-cultural values. The impact of these processes has been felt unequally and small communities which have had a traditionally close relationship with agricultural industries are particularly challenged. The current paper reports on one such community and provides the opportunity to analyse both the the substance and cultural understandings of such forms of rural change/uncoupling. The paper presents local narratives of community and change in Duaringa, Central Queensland and responds to recent international literature suggesting that the meanings and politics of rural change are as significant as the economic trends that are occurring. The Duaringa narratives demonstrate both the substance and dynamics of expressions of community (and loss). And the paper concludes that these meanings are also influenced by wider processes including consumption-oriented lifestyles and national interests in South East Asian relations. [source] Cities and the ,War on Terror'INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 2 2006STEPHEN GRAHAM Programmes of organized, political violence have always been legitimized and sustained through complex imaginative geographies. These tend to be characterized by stark binaries of place attachment. This article argues that the discursive construction of the Bush administration's ,war on terror' since September 11th 2001 has been deeply marked by attempts to rework imaginative geographies separating the urban places of the US ,homeland' and those Arab cities purported to be the sources of ,terrorist' threats against US national interests. On the one hand, imaginative geographies of US cities have been reworked to construct them as ,homeland' spaces which must be re-engineered to address supposed imperatives of ,national security'. On the other, Arab cities have been imaginatively constructed as little more than ,terrorist nest' targets to soak up US military firepower. Meanwhile, the article shows how both ,homeland' and ,target' cities are increasingly being treated together as a single, integrated ,battlespace' within post 9/11 US military doctrine and techno-science. The article concludes with a discussion of the central roles of urban imaginative geographies, overlaid by transnational architectures of US military technology, in sustaining the colonial territorial configurations of a hyper-militarized US Empire. [source] Risking Security: Policies and Paradoxes of Cyberspace SecurityINTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2010Ronald J. Deibert Conceptualizations of cyberspace security can be divided into two related dimensions, articulated as "risks": risks to the physical realm of computer and communication technologies (risks to cyberspace); and risks that arise from cyberspace and are facilitated or generated by its technologies, but do not directly target the infrastructures per se (risks through cyberspace). There is robust international consensus, growing communities of practice, and an emerging normative regime around risks to cyberspace. This is less the case when it comes to risks through cyberspace. While states do collaborate around some policy areas, cooperation declines as the object of risk becomes politically contestable and where national interests vary widely. These include the nature of political opposition and the right to dissent or protest, minority rights and independence movements, religious belief, cultural values, or historical claims. The contrast between the domains has led to contradictory tendencies and paradoxical outcomes. [source] U.S. Grand Strategy Following the George W. Bush PresidencyINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 4 2009David C. Ellis Debates over U.S. grand strategy have devoted a disproportionate level of attention to the War on Terror itself rather than the evolving strategic environment. Challenges including an impending shift in the balance of power, structural deficits, and divided public opinion will significantly impact the policy options available to government leaders, but they have not been adequately addressed. This article analyzes the options available for U.S. grand strategy following the George W. Bush presidency by relating key U.S. national interests with domestic and international policy constraints on the horizon. The analysis concludes that the United States must adopt a defensive grand strategy to rebuild popular consensus, to prevent further strain on the military, and to consolidate its gains in Iraq and Afghanistan. However, this strategy will require flexible coalitions, not formal international organizations, because of a significant divergence of security interests and capabilities with its European allies. [source] Samuel Huntington and the Geopolitics of American Identity: The Function of Foreign Policy in America's Domestic Clash of CivilizationsINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 2 2003Emad El-Din Aysha Abstract The clash of civilizations thesis's true origins lie partly in problems Samuel Huntington sees brewing in his own country. His thesis is to a considerable extent an externalization of these troubles,,an attempt to solve them through international means, while serving U.S. national interests in tandem. As a scholar of American exceptionalism Huntington is,,explicitly and openly,,concerned about the political unity and cultural homogeneity of his country in the absence of the existential threat of world Communism. He sees "multiculturalism" and excessive immigration threatening America's dominant Anglo-Saxon, Protestant, English culture and its libertarian political values. Right-wing "anti-federalism" is threatening the authority and very existence of the federal government, while "commercialism," the elevation of commercial interests above all else among economic and political elites, intensifies the class conflict roots of much anti-federalism. The solution to these myriad problems is a foreign threat, whether real or perceived; hence, the clash of civilizations. [source] The Process-Outcome Connection in Foreign Policy Decision Making: A Quantitative Study Building on GroupthinkINTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2002Mark Schafer This article investigates whether certain factors pertaining to the process of foreign policy decision making have a measurable, qualitative effect on foreign policy outcomes. The research is grounded in the groupthink literature but incorporates different dimensions of similar underlying notions from other international relations areas as well. Three different types of process factors are investigated: situational factors, such as stress and time constraints; factors associated with the structure of the group; and information processing factors. We test the influence of these factors on two types of outcomes,a decision's effect on national interests and its effect on the level of international conflict. We investigate this link in 31 cases of decision from 1975 through 1993. Scores for the outcome variables are based on survey responses from 21 foreign policy experts. For the process variables, we develop sets of operational definitions and then code each case based on extensive reading of case-study materials. OLS regression models are used to assess the hypotheses. We find that situation variables matter very little in terms of affecting outcomes and quality of information processing. On the other hand, both group structural factors and information processing are significantly related to outcomes in terms of national interests and level of international conflict. [source] Explaining Europe's Monetary Union: A Survey of the LiteratureINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 2 2009Tal Sadeh This article offers a survey of the literature on European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), in particular works that deal with the question why EMU happened and, based on this literature, what one might be able to conclude about its sustainability. It reviews the literature by dividing up the analyses into four categories: those that explain EMU at the global and at the European Union (EU) levels of analysis, explanations at the national level, and explanations at the domestic level of analysis. The review suggests that EMU was a particular European response to global developments, which was possible because of existing EU institutions. EMU was causally motivated by a Franco-German deal, balancing national interests. Domestic motives reflect essentially opportunistic motives, and thus, cannot explain EMU. In our judgment the review suggests that Europe's single currency will remain sustainable as long as the Franco-German political deal sticks, the belief in the "sound money" idea remains hegemonic in Europe, and the losers from EMU are underrepresented in national and EU institutions. While opportunistic domestic motives cannot explain embarking on a long-term project, they can definitely be sufficient to derail such a project. [source] From National Service to Global Player: Transforming the Organizational Logic of a Public BroadcasterJOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT STUDIES, Issue 6 2010André Spicer abstract We present organizational logics as a meso-level construct that lies between institutional theory's field-level logics and the sense-making activities of individual agents in organizations. We argue that an institutional logic can be operationalized empirically using the concept of a discourse , that is, a coherent symbolic system articulating what constitutes legitimate, reasonable, and effective conduct in, around, and by organizations. An organization may, moreover, be simultaneously exposed to several institutional logics that make up its broader ideational environment. Taking these three observations together enables us to consider an organizational logic as a spatially and temporally localized configuration of diverse discourses. We go on to show how organizational logics were transformed in the Australian Broadcasting Corporation between 1953 and 1999 by examining the changing discourses that appeared in the Corporation's annual reports. We argue that these discourses were modified through three main forms of discursive agency: (1) undertaking acts of ironic accommodation between competing discourses; (2) building chains of equivalence between the potentially contradictory discourses; and (3) reconciling new and old discourses through pragmatic acts of ,bricolage'. We found that, using these forms of discursive agency, a powerful coalition of actors was able to transform the dominant organizational logic of the ABC from one where the Corporation's initial mission was to serve national interests through public service to one that was ultimately focused on participating in a globalized media market. Finally, we note that discursive resources could be used as the basis for resistance by less powerful agents, although further research is necessary to determine exactly how more powerful and less powerful agents interact around the establishment of an organizational logic. [source] International political marketing: a case study of United States soft power and public diplomacyJOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 3 2008Henry H. Sun Political marketing can be categorized with three aspects: the election campaign as the origin of political marketing, the permanent campaign as a governing tool and international political marketing (IPM) which covers the areas of public diplomacy, marketing of nations, international political communication, national image, soft power and the cross-cultural studies of political marketing. IPM and the application of soft power have been practiced by nation-states throughout the modern history of international relations starting with the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Nation-states promote the image of their country worldwide through public diplomacy, exchange mutual interests in their bilateral or multilateral relation with other countries, lobby for their national interests in international organizations and apply cultural and political communication strategies internationally to build up their soft power. In modern international relations, nation-states achieve their foreign policy goals by applying both hard power and soft power. Public diplomacy as part of IPM is a method in the creation of soft power, as well as, in the application of soft power. This paper starts with the definitional and conceptual review of political marketing. For the first time in publication, it establishes a theoretical model which provides a framework of the three aspects of political marketing, that is electoral political marketing (EPM), governmental political marketing (GPM) and IPM. This model covers all the main political exchanges among six inter-related components in the three pairs of political exchange process, that is candidates and party versus voters and interest groups in EPM ; governments, leaders and public servants versus citizens and interest groups in GPM, including political public relations and lobbying which have been categorized as the third aspect of political marketing in some related studies; and governments, interest group and activists versus international organizations and foreign subjects in IPM. This study further develops a model of IPM, which covers its strategy and marketing mix on the secondary level of the general political marketing model, and then, the third level model of international political choice behaviour based the theory of political choice behaviour in EPM. This paper continues to review the concepts of soft power and public diplomacy and defines their relation with IPM. It then reports a case study on the soft power and public diplomacy of the United States from the perspectives of applying IPM and soft power. Under the framework of IPM, it looks at the traditional principles of US foreign policy, that is Hamiltonians, Wilsonians, Jeffersonians and Jacksonians, and the application of US soft power in the Iraq War since 2003. The paper advances the argument that generally all nation states apply IPM to increase their soft power. The decline of US soft power is caused mainly by its foreign policy. The unilateralism Jacksonians and realism Hamiltonians have a historical trend to emphasize hard power while neglecting soft power. Numerous reports and studies have been conducted on the pros and cons of US foreign policy in the Iraq War, which are not the focus of this paper. From the aspect of IPM, this paper studies the case of US soft power and public diplomacy, and their effects in the Iraq War. It attempts to exam the application of US public diplomacy with the key concept of political exchange, political choice behaviour, the long-term approach and the non-government operation principles of public diplomacy which is a part of IPM. The case study confirms the relations among IPM, soft power and public diplomacy and finds that lessons can be learned from these practices of IPM. The paper concludes that there is a great demand for research both at a theoretical as well as practical level for IPM and soft power. It calls for further study on this subject. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Misreading Islamist Terrorism: The "War Against Terrorism" and Just-War TheoryMETAPHILOSOPHY, Issue 3 2004Joseph M. Schwartz Abstract: The Bush administration's military war on terrorism is a blunt, ineffective, and unjust response to the threat posed to innocent civilians by terrorism. Decentralized terrorist networks can only be effectively fought by international cooperation among police and intelligence agencies representing diverse nation-states, including ones with predominantly Islamic populations. The Bush administration's allegations of a global Islamist terrorist threat to the national interests of the United States misread the decentralized and complex nature of Islamist politics. Undoubtedly there exists a "combat fundamentalist" element within Islamism. But the threat posed to U.S. citizens by Islamist terrorism neither necessitates nor justifies as a response massive military invasions of other nations. Not only does the Bush administration's war on alleged "terrorist states" violate the doctrine of just war, but in addition these wars arise from a new, unilateral, imperial foreign-policy doctrine of "preventive wars." Such a doctrine will isolate the United States from international institutions and long-standing allies. The weakening of these institutions and alliances will only weaken the ability of the international community to deter terrorism. [source] Framing Anti-Americanism and the Media in South Korea: TV vs Newspaper,PACIFIC FOCUS, Issue 3 2009Yongho Kim This study indicates a stark contrast between the frames by TV news and that of the major newspapers in the coverage of the two candlelight demonstrations in 2002 and 2008 in South Korea. The contrast implies that the frames used by TV news and major newspapers were constructed by two different thematic frames that competed for dominance in public concern: national interest on the one hand, and national prestige and human interests on the other. The TV news framed stories on the 2002 Yangju county accident and the import of American beef in ways to trigger anti-Americanism, which was contrasted with major newspapers' consistent emphasis on national interest. Difference in ownership, target audience and the degree of dependence on advertising sponsors offered plausible explanations for the difference in frames. In addition, the number of journalists going into politics also offered insights into why TV news and newspapers framed the 2002 Yangju county accident and the import of US beef in very unique ways, either by triggering anti-demonstrations or by tranquilizing protests through emphasizing national interests. Overall, difference in frames between major TV news and major newspaper stories represents ideological difference in the public opinion over conservatives versus progressives. [source] Russia on Korean Peace and UnificationPACIFIC FOCUS, Issue 2 2002Seung-Ho Joo As a major power surrounding Korea, Russia has an inherent interest in the Korean peace and unification process. Will Russia support or obstruct Korean unification? This article analyzes this question from the viewpoint of Russia's national interests. If we clearly understand Russia's interests, we will be better able to predict Russia's attitudes and policy toward Korean unification in the future. Specifically, this article discusses the following questions: What are Russia's national interests vis-à-vis Korea? How can Russia contribute to the Korean peace process? Under what circumstances will Russia support or obstruct Korean unification? [source] A Realist's Moral Opposition to War: Han J. Morgenthau and VietnamPEACE & CHANGE, Issue 1 2001Ellen Glaser Rafshoon This article examines Hans J. Morgenthau's critique of U.S. policies in Vietnam. Morgenthau, renowned for his advocacy of realism in foreign affairs, was one of the few political commentators to raise questions about nation-building efforts in South Vietnam in the 1950s. After full-scale military intervention in the 1960s, he became the foremost academic critic of the war. Morgenthau demonstrated a dramatic evolution in his views. In the 1950s, he expressed reservations about Indochina policies based on pragmatic concerns. Over time, however, his analysis of Vietnam policies focused on their ethical shortcomings. His examination of the ethics of the Vietnam war led him to revise his notion of how national interests should be determined in making foreign policy, from a calculation based on purely strategic factors to one that also takes moral factors into account. [source] Four Perspectives on Terrorism: Where They Stand Depends on Where You SitPOLITICAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 2 2009Thomas J. Butko The general assumption is that there is one objective and universally applicable conceptualization of ,terrorism'. This position is especially prominent in the United States and other Western countries after the terrorist attacks of 9/11. Yet, despite such a view, it is possible to distinguish four specific perspectives or paradigms on terrorism: standard/mainstream, radical, relativist and constructivist. While the standard/mainstream approach remains dominant among academics, intelligence analysts and policy makers, the other positions have exhibited their own adherents. In the end, it will be argued that the constructivist perspective is the most accurate. Since ,terrorism' remains too contentious and disputed a term to achieve universal consensus, the constructivist approach has been the most effective in stressing the decisive role that parochial state and national interests perform in any conceptualization of ,terrorism', especially the strategic and security concerns of the dominant or hegemonic power(s) within the international system. [source] The Challenge of Sustainability in the Politics of Climate Change: A Finnish Perspective on the Clean Development MechanismPOLITICS, Issue 3 2009Tuula Teräväinen This article addresses an international dimension in the politics of climate change by scrutinising the objective of sustainable development in the Kyoto Protocol's Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). Through the example of Finland, which has been one of the world's pioneering countries in utilising the CDM, this article analyses the degree to which the current mainstream eco-modernist policy discourse is reflected in national policy documents and what kinds of implications this has for the CDM's objective of sustainable development. The results point to ambiguities in Finnish policies, especially in terms of balancing national interests and broader developmental objectives. [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||