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Modern Britain (modern + britain)
Selected AbstractsOccupational Sex Segregation and Part-time Work in Modern BritainGENDER, WORK & ORGANISATION, Issue 2 2001Louisa Blackwell It is often argued that women's full-time work is becoming less gender segregated, while their part-time work becomes more so. This article looks cross-sectionally and longitudinally at the relationship between occupational sex segregation and part-time work. An innovative application of segregation curves and the Gini index measures segregation between women full-timers and men and between women part-timers and men. Both fell between 1971 and 1991, as did overall occupational sex segregation. These results were used to contextualize a longitudinal analysis showing how shifts between full-time and part-time hours affected women's experiences of occupational sex segregation and vertical mobility. Human capital explanations see full-time and part-time workers as distinct groups whose occupational choices reflect anticipated family roles. The plausibility of this emphasis on long-term strategic planning is challenged by substantial and characteristic patterns of occupational mobility when women switch between full-time and part-time hours. The segmented nature of part-time work meant that women who switched to part-time hours, usually over child rearing, were often thrown off their occupational path into low-skilled, feminized work. There was some ,occupational recovery' when they resumed full-time work. [source] Youth Culture in Modern Britain, c.1920,c.1970 , By David FowlerHISTORY, Issue 320 2010DAVE RUSSELL No abstract is available for this article. [source] Modern Britain and the New Imperial HistoryHISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 2 2007James Thompson This article reviews recent trends in British studies, particularly the impact of ,four nations' perspectives, and the rise of the new imperial history. It offers a close examination of debates about the relationship between ,nation' and ,empire' in modern British history, and assesses the strengths and weaknesses of existing approaches. The article identifies the need to integrate accounts of empire's impact upon Britain with a broader comparative perspective that embraces mainland Europe, and to combine more cultural concerns with greater attention to political and economic history. [source] Out of Sight: Crime, Youth and Exclusion in Modern Britain.LAW & SOCIETY REVIEW, Issue 4 2008By Robert McAuley No abstract is available for this article. [source] Kalecki Centenary Lecture the Political Economy of Full Employment in Modern BritainOXFORD BULLETIN OF ECONOMICS & STATISTICS, Issue 2 2000Robert Rowthorn First page of article [source] The Cambridge economic history of modern BritainECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW, Issue 4 2004ALAN BOOTH No abstract is available for this article. [source] The appropriation of the Phoenicians in British imperial ideologyNATIONS AND NATIONALISM, Issue 4 2001Timothy Champion The Phoenicians played ambivalent roles in Western historical imagination. One such role was as a valued predecessor and prototype for the industrial and maritime enterprise of nineteenth-century imperial Britain. Explicit parallels were drawn in historical representations and more popular culture. It was widely believed that the Phoenicians had been present in Britain, especially in Cornwall, despite a lack of convincing historical evidence, and much importance was placed on supposed archaeological evidence. Ideological tensions arose from the need to reconcile ancient and modern Britain, and from the Semitic origin of the Phoenicians. This example shows the power of archaeological objects to provide material support for national and imperial constructions of the past. [source] The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon BrownTHE POLITICAL QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2008DAVID MARQUAND Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ,Whig imperialist', ,Tory nationalist', ,democratic collectivist' and ,democratic republican'. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early-1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co-ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945-51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self-government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety-odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more-or-less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment. [source] | |||||||||||||||||||