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Military Power (military + power)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	87%

Selected Abstracts

Britain as a Military Power

JOURNAL FOR EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY STUDIES, Issue 2 2003
JEREMY BLACK
First page of article [source]

Martial Law and Military Power in the Construction of the South African State: Jan Smuts and the "Solid Guarantee of Force" 1899,1924

JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 2 2009
JONATHAN HYSLOP
This paper seeks to provide a new approach to analysing the crucial period of the building of the South African state between the Boer War and 1924. Drawing on the sociology of Michael Mann, it argues that the construction of networks of military power was of central and partly autonomous importance in giving shape to the new state. It goes on to contend that this generated a legal order which was in many ways shaped by practices which derived from martial law. The paper also asserts that these questions of military power and martial law need to be analysed within a framework which does not limit itself to the boundaries of the South African state itself, but is placed within the wider context of the British Empire and the southern African region. A biographical exploration the role of Jan Smuts as the key leader is used to focus the paper's study of this process of state-making. [source]

Military Power and State Formation in Modern Iraq

MIDDLE EAST POLICY, Issue 4 2003
Ahmed S. Hashim
[source]

Political Competition in Weak States

ECONOMICS & POLITICS, Issue 2 2001
Eliana La Ferrara
In the developing areas, politics is often undemocratic, states lack a monopoly over violence, and politicians play upon cultural identities. To analyze politics in such settings, we develop a model in which politicians compete to build a revenue yielding constituency. Citizens occupy fixed locations and politicians seek to maximize rents. To secure revenues, politicians must incur the costs of providing local public goods and mobilizing security services. Citizens must participate, i.e. pay taxes; but can choose which leader to support. The model enables us to explore the impact of cultural identities and varying notions of military power. [source]

The Modern State and its Adversaries

GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 1 2006
Helen Thompson
The modern state would be a crisis if consent to long-established sites of authoritative rule were breaking down, previously capable states were unable to command coercive power, and if the demands of international and supra-national institutions had enforceable claims against historically sovereign states. There is no general crisis of the modern state. The states of most developed countries are secure as sites of authoritative rule, and the military power commanded by the American state is unprecedented. However, the external sovereignty of many poor and small states is diminishing. The cause is not ,globalization' but the policies of the world's dominant state. [source]

ILLUSIONS OF POWER AND EMPIRE,

HISTORY AND THEORY, Issue 4 2005
JAMES N. ROSENAU
ABSTRACT Subsequent to the end of the Cold War, analysts groped for an understanding of the overall structures of world politics that marked the emergence of a new epoch. As a result, the concept of empire became a major preoccupation, with the economic and military power of the United States considered sufficient for regarding it as an empire. Due to the proliferation of new microelectronic technologies and for a variety of other specified reasons, however, the constraints inherent in the new epoch make it seem highly unlikely that the U.S. or any other country can ever achieve the status of an empire. In effect, the substantial shrinkage of time and distance in the current period has led to the replacement of the age of the nation-state that originated with the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 with the age of the networked individual. It is an age that has developed on a global scale and that has brought an end to the history of empires. [source]

Regionalism: Old and New

INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 1 2003
Raimo Väyrynen
This review of recent literature on political, economic, and cultural regionalism shows that this area of inquiry has become increasingly fragmented not only as a result of debates between the protagonists of methodological approaches but also because of underlying changes in international relations. Traditional views concerning the state-centric regional system are being challenged by the concentration of political and military power at the top as well as by transnational networks built around economic ties and cultural identities. Early post-Cold War expectations that regions and regional concerts would form the foundation for a new international order have proven untenable. Instead, regions appear to arise either through the dissemination of various transactions and externalities or as protection against the hegemony of capitalist globalization and great-power politics. Older conceptions of regionalism need to be redefined and reintegrated into current international relations theories. [source]