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Migrants' Rights (migrant + right)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	85%

Selected Abstracts

Migration and the Right to Social Security: Perceptions of Off-farm Migrants' Rights to Social Insurance in China's Jiangsu Province

CHINA AND WORLD ECONOMY, Issue 2 2007
Ingrid Nielsen
J08; J 61; J65 Abstract In 2001 China ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. By so doing the national government became legally bound, "to the maximum of its available resources", to achieve "progressively" full realization of the rights specified in the Covenant. Included amongst these entitlements is the "right of everyone to social security, including social insurance". This paper uses data from Jiangsu to examine the extent to which urbanites agree that previously disenfranchised migrants have the same right to social insurance as the urban population. Many urbanites fear that their existing entitlements to social protection will be diluted if social insurance coverage is extended to include new populations. Accordingly, state agencies and the media have sought to promote acceptance of a more positive view of migrant workers than has traditionally prevailed within towns and cities. We find that younger urban residents, urban residents who already have social insurance and urban residents working in the state-owned sector are more likely to agree that migrants have the same right to social insurance as the urban population. [source]

Human Rights of Migrants: Challenges of the New Decade

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 6 2001
Patrick A. Taran
This review summarizes main trends, issues, debates, actors and initiatives regarding recognition and extension of protection of the human rights of migrants. Its premise is that the rule of law and universal notions of human rights are essential foundations for democratic society and social peace. Evidence demonstrates that violations of migrants' human rights are so widespread and commonplace that they are a defining feature of international migration today. About 150 million persons live outside their countries; in many States, legal application of human rights norms to non-citizens is inadequate or seriously deficient, especially regarding irregular migrants. Extensive hostility against, abuse of and violence towards migrants and other non-nationals has become much more visible worldwide in recent years. Research, documentation and analysis of the character and extent of problems and of effective remedies remain minimal. Resistance to recognition of migrants' rights is bound up in exploitation of migrants in marginal, low status, inadequately regulated or illegal sectors of economic activity. Unauthorized migrants are often treated as a reserve of flexible labour, outside the protection of labour safety, health, minimum wage and other standards, and easily deportable. Evidence on globalization points to worsening migration pressures in many parts of the world. Processes integral to globalization have intensified disruptive effects of modernization and capitalist development, contributing to economic insecurity and displacement for many. Extension of principles in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights culminated in the 1990 International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families. With little attention, progress in ratifications was very slow until two years ago. A global campaign revived attention; entry into force is likely in 2001. Comparative analysis notes that ILO migrant worker Conventions have generally achieved objectives but States have resisted adoption of any standards on treatment of non-nationals. A counter-offensive against human rights as universal, indivisible and inalienable underlies resistance to extension of human rights protection to migrants. A parallel trend is deliberate association of migration and migrants with criminality. Trafficking has emerged as a global theme contextualizing migration in a framework of combatting organized crime and criminality, subordinating human rights protections to control and anti-crime measures. Intergovernmental cooperation on migration "management" is expanding rapidly, with functioning regional intergovernmental consultative processes in all regions, generally focused on strengthening inter-state cooperation in controlling and preventing irregular migration through improved border controls, information sharing, return agreements and other measures. Efforts to defend human rights of migrants and combat xenophobia remain fragmented, limited in impact and starved of resources. Nonetheless, NGOs in all regions provide orientation, services and assistance to migrants, public education and advocating respect for migrants rights and dignity. Several international initiatives now highlight migrant protection concerns, notably the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights of Migrants, the Global Campaign promoting the 1990 UN Convention, UN General Assembly proclamation of International Migrants Day, the 2001 World Conference Against Racism and Xenophobia, anti-discrimination activity by ILO, and training by IOM. Suggestions to governments emphasize the need to define comprehensive, coordinated migration policy and practice based on economic, social and development concerns rather than reactive control measures to ensure beneficial migration, social harmony, and dignified treatment of nationals and non-nationals. NGOs, businesses, trade unions, and religious groups are urged to advocate respect for international standards, professionalize services and capacities, take leadership in opposing xenophobic behaviour, and join international initiatives. Need for increased attention to migrants rights initiatives and inter-agency cooperation by international organizations is also noted. [source]

Canadian Policy on Human Trafficking: A Four-year Analysis1

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 4 2005
Jacqueline Oxman-Martinez
ABSTRACT This article introduces readers to Canadian Government policy and practice surrounding human trafficking since the adoption of the United Nations (UN) Protocol on Trafficking in 2000. After offering an overview of the UN Protocol, the article reviews and critically analyses Canada's efforts in the three key areas of the Protocol: prevention of human trafficking, protection of trafficking victims, and the prosecution of traffickers. Since the beginning of our research, progress has been made in Canadian policy responses. The Government began by developing and implementing its tools for the prosecution of traffickers, thereby responding to most of the prosecution recommendations of the UN Protocol. Different government agencies are also coordinating their efforts to implement prevention projects, both in source countries and at home, including awareness-raising campaigns, education campaigns, and policy development collaborations. However, the more structural elements of prevention have yet to be adequately addressed. Finally, without shifting their basic border control framework, Canadian government agencies are in the process of improving the protection of trafficking victims who are intercepted in law enforcement operations or who come forward for help. These protection measures would be strengthened further if migrants' rights were explicitly protected by law, something that has failed to occur given recent prioritization of crime and security. The formal protection of victims, as implemented to some degree in several European and American policies, is introduced for comparison. The article concludes with the remaining challenges that face Canadian policy makers, particularly in terms of shifting away from current focus on crime and security to the protection and promotion of the human rights of trafficking victims. LA POLITIQUE CANADIENNE EN MATIÈRE DE TRAITE DES ÊTRES HUMAINS : UNE ANALYSE SUR QUATRE ANS Cet article présente au lecteur la politique et la pratique du gouvernement canadien en matière de traite des êtres humains depuis l'adoption, en 2000, du Protocole additionnel à la Convention des Nations unies contre la criminalité transnationale organisée visant à prévenir, réprimer et punir la traite des personnes, en particulier des femmes et des enfants. Après avoir présenté le Protocole dans son ensemble, l'article examine et analyse de façon critique l'action du Canada dans trois domaines essentiels du Protocole : la prévention de la traite, la protection des victimes et la punition des trafiquants. Depuis le début de notre recherche, le Canada a fait un pas en avant dans les mesures politiques adoptées. Le gouvernement a commencé par élaborer et mettre en oeuvre des mécanismes pour punir les trafiquants, donnant de ce fait suite à la plupart des recommandations du protocole des Nations unies en la matière. Par ailleurs, différents organes de l'État coordonnent leurs efforts pour mettre en place des projets de prévention, tant dans les pays d'origine que sur le territoire canadien, avec des campagnes de sensibilisation et d'éducation, et des collaborations en matière d'élaboration des politiques. Il reste néanmoins à trouver une solution adéquate aux aspects les plus structurels de la prévention. Enfin, sans s'éloigner du cadre fondamental du contrôle des frontières, les services gouvernementaux canadiens améliorent actuellement la protection des victimes de la traite interceptées lors d'opérations de police ou qui viennent demander de l'aide. Ces mesures de protection seraient davantage renforcées si les droits des migrants étaient explicitement inscrits dans la loi, ce qui n'est pas le cas en raison de la priorité accordée à la répression de la criminalité et à la sécurité. La protection formelle des victimes, telle que mise en oeuvre jusqu'à un certain point par des mesures appliquées en Europe et aux États-Unis, est présentée à titre de comparaison. Les conclusions de cet article exposent les défis auxquels restent confrontés les décideurs canadiens, à savoir moins insister sur la répression de la criminalité et la sécurité pour s'occuper davantage de la protection et de la promotion des droits fondamentaux des victimes de la traite. POLÍTICA CANADIENSE RELATIVA A LA TRATA DE PERSONAS: UN ANÁLISIS CUADRIENAL Este artículo presenta las políticas y prácticas del Gobierno canadiense en torno a la trata de personas desde la adopción, en 2000, del Protocolo de las Naciones Unidas relativo a la trata de personas. Tras hacer un repaso del Protocolo de las Naciones Unidas, este artículo examina y analiza críticamente los empeños del Canadá en tres esferas clave del Protocolo: prevención de la trata de personas, protección de las víctimas de la trata, y enjuiciamiento de los traficantes. Desde que se iniciara este estudio se han observado progresos en las respuestas políticas canadienses. El Gobierno comenzó desarrollando y llevando a la práctica sus instrumentos para la sanción y enjuiciamiento de los traficantes, respondiendo así a la mayoría de las recomendaciones de enjuiciamiento que contiene el Protocolo de las Naciones Unidas. Varias instituciones gubernamentales también coordinan sus esfuerzos con miras a la puesta en práctica de proyectos de prevención, tanto en los países de origen como en el Canadá, incluyendo campañas de concienciación, campañas educativas y colaboraciones con miras al desarrollo de políticas. Sin embargo, aún quedan por encarar los elementos más estructurales de la prevención. Finalmente, sin salir del marco básico de control de fronteras, las instituciones gubernamentales canadienses están tratando de mejorar la protección de las víctimas de la trata interceptadas en operaciones de aplicación de la ley o que se presentan a las autoridades con miras a solicitar ayuda. Si se aspira a proteger explícitamente por ley los derechos de los migrantes, habrá que reforzar las medidas de protección, algo que no figura entre las prioridades establecidas recientemente con relación al ámbito delictivo y de seguridad. Con fines comparativos, se presenta la protección oficial que brindan a las víctimas las políticas europeas y americanas. Este artículo concluye con los desafíos que tienen ante sí los formuladores de políticas canadienses, particularmente en cuanto al cambio del centro de atención actual en materia de actividades delictivas y de seguridad hacia la protección y promoción de los derechos humanos de las víctimas de la trata. [source]

International Migration and State Sovereignty in an Integrating Europe

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 6 2001
Andrew Geddes
This article examines the development of migration policy competencies of the European Union (EU) since the 1990s. It pays particular attention to policy framework that developed after the Maastricht and Amsterdam Treaties entered into effect in 1993 and 1999 respectively. In order to chart these developments, the article focuses on five analytical themes that illustrate key trends in EU migration policy. Reasons for and implications of shift from "pillarization" in the Maastricht Treaty to "communitarization" in the Amsterdam Treaty. , Blurring of the distinction between external and internal security. , The role that supranational institutions such as the European Commission are playing (or trying to play) in policy development. , Debates about migrants' rights in an integrating Europe. , Links between migration and EU enlargement. It is argued that far from weakening EU member states or symbolizing some "loss of control", EU cooperation and integration have thus far helped member states consolidate and reassert their ability to regulate international migration through the use of new EU-level institutional venues. This raises legitimacy issues as the EU moves into politically sensitive policy areas. Although talk of "fortress Europe" is overblown, the EU is likely to face legitimacy challenges on both the "input" (democracy, openness and accountability of decision-making) and "output" (implementation and compliance) elements of decision-making. [source]

Human Rights of Migrants: Challenges of the New Decade

Protection of Migrants' Human Rights: Principles and Practice

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 6 2001
Heikki S. Mattila
In principle, migrants enjoy the protection of international law. Key human rights instruments oblige the States Parties to extend their protection to all human beings. Such important treaties as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights have been ratified by more than 140 states, but many political, social or economic obstacles seem to stand in the way of offering those rights to migrants. In an attempt to bridge this protection gap, the more specifically targeted International Convention on the Protection of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families was created and adopted by the United Nations in 1990. This treaty is not yet in force, but the number of States Parties is increasing towards the required 20. In the past few years the human rights machinery of the United Nations has increased its attention towards migrants' human rights, appointing in 1999 the Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants. Governments, as the acceding parties to international human rights instruments, remain the principal actors as guardians of the human rights of all individuals residing in their territories. Receiving countries are in a key position in the protection of the migrants that they host. However, active defence of migrants' rights is politically difficult in many countries where anti-immigrant factions are influential. Trafficking in migrants is one example of the complexity faced by states in formulating their migration policies. On the one hand, trafficking has made governments increasingly act together and combine both enforcement and protection. On the other, trafficking, with its easily acceptable human rights concerns, is often separated from the more migration-related human smuggling. The latter is a more contentious issue, related also to unofficial interests in utilizing cheap undocumented immigrant labour. [source]

Managing Contradiction: Civic Stratification and Migrants'Rights,

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW, Issue 1 2003
Lydia Morris
Political and academic interest in cross-national migration has generated two very different and potentially polarized positions. One perspective emphasizes the continuing power of the nation state, while the other sees migration, and more specifically migrants' rights, as the manifestation of an emergent ,post-national' society. This article offers a conceptual framework which addresses this polarization through the concept of civic stratification (Lockwood, 1996). In illustrating its application, the study shows how such an approach goes beyond a traditional citizenship framework (e.g., Marshall, 1950) in considering degrees of partial membership, but remains cautious with respect to claims about universal, transnational rights. [source]