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Migrant Earnings (migrant + earning)
Selected AbstractsInternational Labour Migrants' Return to Meiji-era Yamaguchi and Hiroshima: Economic and Social EffectsINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 3 2008Jonathan Dresner International labour migration from Meiji era (1868,1912) Japan was intensely concentrated: over 60 per cent of the 29,000 participants in the government-managed Hawai'i emigration programme (kan'yaku imin, 1885,1894) came from seven coastal counties around the Hiroshima-Yamaguchi prefectural border in southwest Japan. Almost half of the emigrants became long-term settlers instead of returning to their hometowns, but this paper examines what happened to returning emigrants and to their home communities. Since the migration was primarily economic in nature, the effect of migrant earnings was carefully monitored and is frequently cited by scholars. Surveys showed high rates of debt repayment and savings, and improved living conditions, but investment and entrepreneurship were limited. High-emigration regions rarely became economic centers of any importance. Less carefully studied are non-economic effects, partially because the labour programme was structured to minimize contact with Hawaiian or Caucasian culture, and thus returnees had little cultural experience to transfer to their hometowns. Local officials in Yamaguchi seemed proud of the lack of social change. Even long-term sojourners, who returned due to family needs after a decade or more overseas, exhibited no readjustment difficulties. Returnees, particularly in Yamaguchi, sometimes moved on to Japanese colonial territories, creating multilateral and complex relationships with overseas communities. This sojourning migration, like contemporary analogs, was a powerful form of poverty relief in the midst of dislocating globalization, but did not produce a rise in entrepreneurship or a Westernization of local culture. Because this sojourning migration was structurally similar to our modern-day patterns, it provides evidence of the longevity of those patterns and the possible long-term effects, and raises questions about our expectations for migration policy. Retour des travailleurs migrants internationaux de l'ère Meiji à Yamaguchi et Hiroshima: effets économiques et sociaux Au Japon, la migration internationale de main-d',uvre de l'ère Meiji (1868,1912) a été très concentrée: plus de soixante pour cent des 29 000 participants au programme gouvernemental d'émigration à destination d'Hawaï (kan'yaku imin, 1885-1894) venaient de sept régions côtières proches de la limite entre les préfectures d'Hiroshima et de Yamaguchi dans le Sud-Ouest du Japon. Sachant que la moitié des émigrants sont devenus des résidents de longue durée et ne sont pas rentrés dans leur communauté d'origine, le présent document s'intéresse à ceux qui ont fait le choix inverse. Etant donné que cette migration était principalement de nature économique, les effets des gains des migrants ont étéétudiés avec attention et sont souvent cités par les chercheurs. Si des enquêtes ont révélé des taux importants de remboursement de dettes et d'épargne, ainsi qu'un niveau de vie en hausse, les investissements et la création d'entreprises, en revanche, sont restés limités. On a rarement vu des régions à fort taux d'émigration devenir des centres économiques d'importance. Les effets non économiques ont été moins étudiés, en partie parce que ce programme de main-d',uvre était structuré de façon à réduire le plus possible les contacts avec la culture hawaïenne ou caucasienne, ce qui fait que les rapatriés n'avaient guère d'acquis culturels exogènes à transmettre. Les responsables locaux de Yamaguchi semblaient d'ailleurs se réjouir de l'absence de changements sociaux. Même les résidents de longue durée, qui étaient rentrés pour raisons familiales au bout d'au moins une décennie à l'étranger, ne montraient aucune difficultéà se réadapter. Les rapatriés, en particulier à Yamaguchi, ont parfois déménagé vers les territoires coloniaux japonais, créant des relations multilatérales complexes avec les communautés de l'outre-mer. Cette migration temporaire, comme les mouvements analogues à la même époque, était une formidable façon de réduire la pauvreté dans un contexte de bouleversement mondial, mais elle n'a pas renforcé l'esprit d'entreprise ni conduit à une occidentalisation de la culture locale. Comme cette migration temporaire était structurellement semblable à nos modèles contemporains, elle témoigne de la longue durée de vie de ces modèles et de leurs effets possibles à long terme, et soulève des questions quant à nos attentes en matière de politique migratoire. Retorno a los trabajadores migrantes internacionales a la era Meiji en Yamaguchi e Hiroshima: Efectos socioeconómicos La migración laboral internacional en la era Meiji del Japón (1868,1912) era sumamente concentrada: más del 60 por ciento de los 29.000 participantes en el programa de emigración Hawai'i (kan'yaku imin, 1885-1894) administrado por el Gobierno, provenía de varios condados costeros en torno a la frontera prefectural entre Hiroshima-Yamaguchi en el sudeste del Japón. Casi la mitad de los emigrantes residía en albergues semipermanentes y no retornaban a sus lugares de origen. Ahora bien, en este artículo se examina lo ocurrido con los migrantes que retornaron y con las comunidades de retorno. Habida cuenta que la migración era mayormente de carácter económico, el efecto de los ingresos de los migrantes se siguió de cerca y, frecuentemente, ha sido citado por los estudiosos en la materia. Las encuestas demuestran elevadas tasas de reembolso de deudas y de ahorro, así como un mejoramiento de las condiciones de vida, pero también apuntan a limitadas inversiones o empresas. Las regiones de alta emigración rara vez se convirtieron en centros de importancia económica. No se ha estudiado en detalle los efectos extra económicos, en parte porque el programa de migración laboral estaba estructurado para minimizar el contacto con la cultura hawaiana o caucasiana, por lo cual las personas que retornaban tenían poca experiencia cultural que aportar a sus lugares de origen. Los funcionarios locales en Yamaguchi se enorgullecían de la falta de intercambio social. Incluso aquéllos residentes de larga duración que retornaron debido a cuestiones familiares tras una década o más en ultramar, no presentaron ninguna dificultad en readaptarse. Las personas que retornaron, particularmente a Yamaguchi, se desplazaron a veces a territorios coloniales japoneses, estableciendo complejas relaciones multilaterales con comunidades en ultramar. La migración de carácter permanente, al igual que sus análogos contemporáneos, era un sólido medio de aliviar la pobreza en medio de una globalización perturbadora, pero no dio lugar a un incremento empresarial o a una occidentalización de la cultura local. La similitud estructural de la migración de larga duración con nuestros patrones de hoy en día, aporta pruebas de la longevidad de los mismos, de los posibles efectos a largo plazo de dichos patrones y plantea una serie de preguntas sobre las expectativas en cuanto a las políticas migratorias. [source] Self-selection and Earnings of Migrants: Evidence from Rural ChinaASIAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL, Issue 1 2010Zheren Wu J24; J31; O15; R23 Using data from a rural household survey in China, this paper explores the link between employment choice (nonworking, local farm work, local nonfarm work and migratory work) and migrant earnings. We find significant self-selection in migration. Youths, men, better-educated individuals and those in good health are more likely to migrate. In terms of unobserved characteristics, we find positive selection in migration to be related to the alternatives of not working and local farm work, and negative selection to be related to local nonfarm work. Controlling for self-selection, the wage returns to gender (male), education and health are lower than those obtained from OLS, and the returns to experience are higher. More importantly, we find different self-selection between individuals who have moved as pioneers and migrants from households in which other members have already migrated. [source] Impact of Migration on Kerala's Economy and SocietyINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 1 2001K.C. Zachariah This article reports results of the first migration study covering the entire State of Kerala. It encompasses both measurement as well as analysis of the various types and facets of migration. Migration has been the single most dynamic factor in an otherwise dreary development scenario in Kerala during the last quarter of the twentieth century. Kerala is approaching the end of the millennium with a little cheer in many people's homes as a result of migration which has contributed more to poverty alleviation than any other factor, including agrarian reforms, trade union activities and social welfare legislation. The study shows that nearly 1.5 million Keralites now live outside India. They send home more than Rs.4,000 million a year by way of remittances. Three-quarters of a million former emigrants have come back. They live mostly on savings, work experience, and skills acquired while abroad. More than a million families depend on an internal migrant's earnings for subsistence, children's education and other economic requirements. Whereas the educationally backward Muslims from the Thrissur-Malappuram region provide the backbone of emigration, it is the educationally forward Ezhawas, Nairs and Syrian Christians from the former Travancore-Cochin State who form the core of internal migration. The article also analyses the determinants and consequences of internal and external migration. It offers suggestions for policy formulation directed at optimum utilization of remittances sent home by emigrants and the expertise brought back by the return migrants. Migration in Kerala began with demographic expansion, but it will not end up with demographic contraction. Kerala has still to develop into an internally self-sustaining economy. The prevailing cultural milieu in which its people believe that anything can be achieved through agitation, and any rule can be circumvented with proper political connections, must change and be replaced by a liberalized open economy with strict and definite rules of the game. [source] Remitting the gift: Zambian mobility and anthropological insights for migration studiesPOPULATION, SPACE AND PLACE (PREVIOUSLY:-INT JOURNAL OF POPULATION GEOGRAPHY), Issue 1 2005Lisa Cliggett Abstract This article brings together anthropological theories of gift exchange and ethnographic data on migrant gifting (,remitting') in order to understand the core of investing in social relations through remitting practices. Migration literature from throughout the developing world documents important patterns of remitting that furthers our understanding of how migrants' earnings help rural investment. In contrast to the majority of migration literature, scholars working in different regions of Zambia have documented migration patterns and remittance practices that do not echo the documented findings from other regions of the developing world. In Zambian migration, remittances consist more of food, ,town goods' or cash, rather than the larger sums of money or durable goods that other migration studies describe. The Zambian literature also documents cases of non-remitting. Rather than provide significant support to relatives in sending communities, Zambian migrants invest in social networks over time through ,gift-remitting'. These ,gift-remittances' facilitate options to return to home communities, or to maintain mutually beneficial social ties for both migrants and relatives in home villages. These findings compel policies directed towards enhancing migrants' remitting power to consider the core social foundation of their ties to home, and how investing in social relations can be incorporated into policy development. The article draws on fieldwork with the Gwembe Tonga people of Zambia's Southern Province since 1994, and recent ethnographic literature from Zambia. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] |