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Middle Position (middle + position)

Distribution by Scientific Domains
Humanities and Social Sciences50%

Selected Abstracts

Triangulation: Davidson, Realism and Natural Kinds

DIALECTICA, Issue 1 2001
William Child
Is there a plausible middle position in the debate between realists and constructivists about categories or kinds? Such a position may seem to be contained in the account of triangulation that Donald Davidson develops in recent writings. On this account, the kinds we pick out are determined by an interaction between our shared similarity responses and causal relations between us and things in our environment. So kinds and categories are neither imposed on us by the nature of the world, nor imposed by us on an intrinsically unstructured reality. But the picture derivable from Davidson's account of triangulation can be interpreted in either of two ways. On one interpretation, it collapses into constructivism. On the other, it turns out to be very close to the most plausible versions of realism. It is argued that Davidson's attempts to distinguish his view from Putnam's realism about natural kinds are unsuccessful. So Davidson's account of triangulation does indeed suggest a plausible view of kinds. But that view is a version of traditional realist views, not an alternative to them. [source]

Preferences for changing power positions and power distances: a social value orientations approach

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 2 2003
Matthijs Poppe
Participants were asked to put themselves in the position of one of three persons who differed in the amount of power they had in a small work unit. Subsequently, they could allocate points on a power scale to themselves and the two others, and thus, change the power positions and the power distances between the positions. The least powerful individuals had the strongest tendency to increase their power. They wanted to reduce the power distance to the person in the higher position more than the power distance to the person in the middle position. The most powerful wanted to increase the power distance to the person in the middle position but not the power distance to the least powerful. Most results were consistent with social comparison theory and contrary to power distance theory. Because the dependent measures were derived from the social value orientations model, the scope of this model has been expanded. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]

A comparison of HRM systems in the USA, Japan and Germany in their socio-economic context

HUMAN RESOURCE MANAGEMENT JOURNAL, Issue 2 2006
Markus Pudelko
This article provides a comparative analysis of the HR practices of American, Japanese and German companies. The starting point is an investigation of the managerial, economic, socio-political and cultural contexts of the three HR systems. It will be demonstrated that the socio-economic contextual factors of the American and Japanese HR systems are in many ways at opposite ends of the spectrum, with the German factors in between. Subsequently, the three HR systems themselves are analysed. The data show that the same pattern, USA and Japan at the extremes and Germany taking a middle position, is valid also for the HR systems. This suggests that the relevant socio-economic context is highly pertinent for the establishment of an HR system. This outcome does not exclude either the integration of HR practices from a foreign HR model into the domestic one or standardisation efforts of HR practices of multinational companies, but confines the potential for cross-cultural learning and standardisation to what is within the ,fit' of the relevant socio-cultural context. [source]

International Migration and Gender in Latin America: A Comparative Analysis

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 5 2006
Douglas S. Massey
ABSTRACT We review census data to assess the standing of five Latin American nations on a gender continuum ranging from patriarchal to matrifocal. We show that Mexico and Costa Rica lie close to one another with a highly patriarchal system of gender relations whereas Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic are similar in having a matrifocal system. Puerto Rico occupies a middle position, blending characteristics of both systems. These differences yield different patterns of female relative to male migration. Female householders in the two patriarchal settings displayed low rates of out-migration compared with males, whereas in the two matrifocal countries the ratio of female to male migration was much higher, in some case exceeding their male counterparts. Multivariate analyses showed that in patriarchal societies, a formal or informal union with a male dramatically lowers the odds of female out-migration, whereas in matrifocal societies marriage and cohabitation have no real effect. The most important determinants of female migration from patriarchal settings are the migrant status of the husband or partner, having relatives in the United States, and the possession of legal documents. In matrifocal settings, however, female migration is less related to the possession of documents, partner's migrant status, or having relatives in the United States and more strongly related to the woman's own migratory experience. Whereas the process of cumulative causation appears to be driven largely by men in patriarchal societies, it is women who dominate the process in matrifocal settings. Sur la base des données des recensements, nous situons cinq nations d'Amérique latine sur une échelle d'organisation sociale entre les sexes allant du partriarcat à la matrifocalité. Nous montrons que le Mexique et le Costa Rica occupent des positions voisines avec un système de relations entre les sexes foncièrement patriarcal alors que le Nicaragua et la République dominicaine fonctionnent tous deux selon un système matrifocal. Puerto Rico se situe au milieu, avec un mélange de caractéristiques des deux systèmes. De ces divergences découlent différents modèles de répartion de la migration selon le sexe. Dans les deux environnements patriarcaux, les femmes à la tête d'un ménage présentaient de bas taux d'émigration par rapport aux hommes, alors que dans les deux pays matrifocaux le ratio entre migration féminine et migration masculine était bien plus élevé, la première dépassant parfois la seconde. Des analyses à variables multiples ont montré que dans les sociétés patriarcales toute union avec un homme, qu'elle soit officielle ou officieuse, fait considérablement baisser les chances d'émigration d'une femme, alors que dans les sociétés matrifocales, le mariage et la cohabitation n'ont aucune incidence réelle. Les facteurs qui déterminent avant tout la migration féminine dans les sociétés patriarcales sont : le statut de migrant du mari ou du partenaire, l'existence de parenté aux Etats-Unis et la possession de papiers en règle. Toutefois, dans un environnement matrifocal la migration féminine ne dépend pas tant des facteurs susmentionnés que de la propre expérience migratoire des intéressées. Alors que dans les sociétés patriarcales, le processus de causalité cumulative semble être généré principalement par les hommes, dans les sociétés matrifocales il est dominé par les femmes. Se pasa revista a datos cenales para evaluar la situació encinco países latinoamericanos en un conjunto de modelos de relaciones entre los géneros, que va del patriarcal al matrifocal. Se demuestra que Máxico y Costa Rica tienen una situación muy parecida, con un sistema muy patriarcal, mientras que Nicaragua y la República Dominicana se asemejan por tener un sistema matrifocal. Puerto Rico ocupa un lugar intermedio, con un sistema que combina las características de ambos modelos. Esas diferencias producen distintos modelos de migración femenina y masculina. Las familias encabezadas por mujeres en los dos sistemas patriarcales mostraron tasas bajas de emigración en comparación con los hombres, mientras que en los dos países con sistemas matrifocales, la relación entre migració femenina y masculina fue mucho más elevada, excediendo en algunos casos la correspondiente a los hombres. Distintos tipos de análisis demostraron que en las sociedades patriarcales, una unión formal o informal con un hombre reduce considerablemente las posibilidades de emigración de la mujer, mientras que en las sociedades matrifocales, ni el matrimonio ni la convivencia afectan realmente esas posibilidades. Los elementos determinantes de mayor importancia para la migración de la mujer en los sistemas patriarcales son la situación de migrante del esposo o compañero, el hecho de tener familiares en los EstadosUnidos, y la posesión de documentos legales. En las sociedades matrifocales, sin embargo, la migración de la mujer guarda menos relación con la posesión de documentos, la sitación de migrante del compañero o el tener familiares que residan en los Estados Unidos, y está más vinculada a la propia experiencia migratoria de la mujer. Mientras que en las sociedades patriarcales el proceso de acumulación de causas parece ser impulsado mayormento por el hombre, es la mujer la que domina el proceso en las sociedades matrifocales. [source]