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Local Elites (local + elite)
Selected AbstractsGresham on horseback: the monetary roots of Spanish American political fragmentation in the nineteenth century1ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW, Issue 3 2009MARIA ALEJANDRA IRIGOIN This article deals with the political economic consequences of the disappearance of the Spanish silver peso standard in Spanish America, the longest monetary union that ever existed. With the Napoleonic invasion of Spain in 1808, the fiscal and political structure of the empire imploded and most colonies became independent. Regional competition for revenues exacerbated budget shortfalls driven by military expenditure. Local elites established in former colonial Treasury districts started highly diverse monetary experiments to procure funds. Those in control of mint houses started minting their own coins or debased existing silver currency. Elsewhere, inconvertible paper currency was also created to meet budget deficits. As a result, the most valuable feature of the Spanish American silver peso, its quality standard, was broken and the standard that had organized the early modern international economy for more than 300 years ceased to exist altogether. In Spanish America, as diverse monies co-existed within a formerly highly integrated economic space, a widespread Gresham's law effect exacerbated the conflict among local and regional elites. This fostered the political fragmentation of colonial Spanish America into an increasing number of political and monetary sovereign entities during the nineteenth century. [source] The limits to local participation and deliberation in the French ,politique de la ville'EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 4 2007YVES SINTOMER This article looks at whether it has led to a genuine democratisation of policy making. The following four questions are discussed: Have participatory procedures improved the efficiency of public policy? Have they fostered the strengthening of the social bond? Has setting up new procedures improved deliberation between political and nonpolitical actors? And has this new policy generated a renewal of local elites and modified the decision-making process? The authors conclude that these different attempts have had only a very limited impact. [source] Municipal Neoliberalism and Municipal Socialism: Urban Political Economy in Latin AmericaINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 2 2009BENJAMIN GOLDFRANK The following article identifies two different urban policy regimes in Latin America , neoliberal and socialist , and traces their origins to the distinct interests and capacities of local elites and activists in the region's cities in the mid-to-late twentieth century. While agricultural and commercial interests paid a high price for the growth of import-substituting industrialization, and therefore deployed free trade zones (and similar institutions) in traditional export centers in the 1960s and 1970s, their industrial rivals bore the brunt of austerity and adjustment in the free market era, and therefore adopted compensatory measures designed to increase the ,social wage' in the 1980s and 1990s. Examples are drawn from municipalities in Brazil, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Uruguay and Venezuela, and call the conventional portrait of impotent Latin American cities , and omnipotent central governments , into question. Résumé Cet article identifie deux régimes de politique urbaine différents en Amérique latine : néolibéral et socialiste. Leurs origines tiennent aux divers intérêts et moyens des élites et militants locaux dans les grandes villes régionales au cours de la seconde moitié du vingtième siècle. Si les milieux agricoles et commerciaux ont payé le prix fort de l'essor d'une industrialisation visant à remplacer les importations, et ont donc mis en place des zones de libre échange (ou des institutions similaires) dans les pôles exportateurs traditionnels au cours des années 1960,1970, leurs rivaux industriels ont porté le poids de l'austérité et de l'ajustement à l'époque de la libéralisation des marchés, adoptant par conséquent des mesures compensatoires destinées à accroître le ,salaire social' au cours des années 1980,1990. Des exemples, issus de municipalités situées au Brésil, au Mexique, en République dominicaine, en Uruguay et au Venezuela, remettent en question le tableau conventionnel des villes latino-américaines impuissantes face aux gouvernements centraux omnipotents. [source] The Urban Question as Cargo Cult: Opportunities for a New Urban PedagogyINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2008ROB SHIELDS Abstract Urban research is unreflexive toward its object of study, the city, compromising its methodologies and theoretical capacity. This polemic draws on examples such as ,creative cities', which have been profiled and analysed for their local recipes for economic success. ,Global cities' have become stereotypes of a neoliberal form of the ,good life' to which much recent urban research is a handmaiden, a hegemonic knowledge project. These ,metro-poles' of value are a form of urban pedagogy that presents lesser local elites with lessons to be followed. A form of cargo cult theory suggests, build it and wealth will come , hence the symmetry of urban scholarship with the fad for city rankings in pop journalism. In contrast to neo-structural analyses of the global city, other research focuses too closely on regional geographies, local forces and urban affordances. A synthetic level of theory is proposed to bridge the divide which marks urban and regional studies. The ,urban' needs to be rediscovered as a central question. The urban is an object of theory and the city is a truth spot. The urban is more than infrastructure and bodies but an intangible good or ,virtuality' that requires an appropriate methodological toolkit. Résumé La recherche urbaine manque de réflexivitéà l'égard de son objet d'étude, la ville, ce qui compromet ses méthodologies et sa capacité théorique. Cette critique part d'exemples tels que les "villes créatives" dont on a établi le profil et l'analyse pour en déterminer les recettes locales de réussite économique. Les "villes planétaires" sont devenues des stéréotypes d'une forme néolibérale de la "bonne vie" au service de laquelle se met généralement la recherche urbaine, un projet de savoir hégémonique. Ces métro-pôles de valeur constituent une sorte de pédagogie urbaine qui expose aux moindres élites locales des leçons à suivre. Un genre de théorie du culte du cargo suggère qu'il suffit de construire pour voir la richesse arriver, d'où la symétrie entre les travaux de recherche urbaine et la mode pour les palmarès de villes dans le journalisme populaire. Contrairement aux analyses néo-structuralistes de la ville planétaire, d'autres études se consacrent de trop près aux géographies régionales, aux forces locales et aux affordances urbaines. Un niveau de théorie synthétique est proposé pour franchir la ligne de démarcation des études urbaines et régionales. Il faut redécouvrir "l'urbain" en tant que question centrale. L'urbain est un objet de théorie, la ville est un lieu de vérité. L'urbain est plus qu'une infrastructure et des entités, c'est un bien intangible, une "virtualité", qui nécessite un jeu d'outils méthodologiques approprié. [source] AUTHORITY, POLITY, AND TENUOUS ELITES IN IRON AGE EDOM (JORDAN)OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY, Issue 4 2004BENJAMIN W. PORTER Summary. The strategies political elites implement to garner political authority and legitimacy in emergent polities are scrutinized in a case study from Iron Age Edom, located in modern southern Jordan and the south-east corner of the State of Israel. Edom provides a productive context in which to conduct this investigation as local elites managed a fractious polity consisting of unstable segmentary identities, while at the same time, remaining loyal to the successive Assyrian, Babylonian, and Persian empires that dominated them. This tenuous position required elites to maintain a flexible elite identity while promoting broader metaphors of attachment (e.g. Edomite) among their disparate constituents. This case study ultimately moves toward an understanding of political polities, not as disembodied entities (e.g. States), but as embedded phenomena within the societies they comprise. [source] The Expansion, Diversification, and Segmentation of Power in Late Prehispanic NascaARCHEOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, Issue 1 2004Christina A. Conlee During the Late Intermediate Period (A.D. 1000,1476) the organization and foundation of power in Nasca was transformed from earlier times. Previously, religious resources were central to the development and maintenance of the political and social hierarchy. After the collapse of the Wari Empire and a period of balkanization, the resources used to establish and maintain power broadened considerably. The expansion of the power base into new realms coincided with an increase in the number of local elites in the drainage. There was no longer a focus on regional ceremonial centers; instead, elites were able to build power through a variety of activities including exchange, craft production (with a focus on utilitarian items), feasting, community-based ritual activities, and probably warfare and defense. During this period the levels of the political hierarchy grew and a more heterarchical type of regional polity developed. [source] Cultural Politics, Communal Resistance and Identity in Andean Irrigation DevelopmentBULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 3 2005Rutgerd Boelens This article uses two case studies to illustrate how Andean irrigation development and management emerges from a hybrid mix of local community rules and the changing political forms and ideological forces of hegemonic states. Some indigenous water-control institutions are with us today because they were consonant with the extractive purposes of local elites and Inca, Spanish and post-independence Republican states. These states often appropriated and standardised local water-management rules, rights and rituals in order to gain control over the surplus produced by these irrigation systems. However, as we show in the case of two communities in Ecuador and Peru, many of these same institutions are reappropriated and redirected by local communities to counteract both classic ,exclusion-oriented' and modern ,inclusion-oriented' water and identity politics. In this way, they resist subordination, discrimination and the control of local water management by rural elites or state actors. [source] | ||||||||||