Home  About us  Contact
 

Liberal Party (liberal + party)

Distribution by Scientific Domains
Humanities and Social Sciences100%

Selected Abstracts

A Call to Action: New Party Candidates and the 1931 General Election*

PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 2 2008
MATTHEW WORLEY
Sir Oswald Mosley established his New Party in early 1931. It proposed to cut across the party and class divides, with the objective of providing a ,national' solution to the economic crisis of the time. According to Mosley, the ,old parties', meaning the Labour, Conservative and Liberal Parties , had revealed themselves unable to adapt to the post-war age. In their place, he argued, a modern organisation, based on youth, vitality and a scientifically reasoned economic plan, was needed to save Britain from terminal decline. Few heeded his call, and the party ultimately paved the way for the British Union of Fascists to emerge in 1932. Nevertheless, the New Party fought the general election of 1931, offering an unsuccessful but suitably intriguing challenge to the National coalition and Labour Party. This article will assess the New Party's election campaign, concentrating on those who briefly rallied to Mosley's appeal only to fall foul of the ballot box. In other words, it provides a case study of those who contributed to a dramatic electoral failure, and traces a significant stage along Mosley's journey to fascism. [source]

Spatially Disaggregated Modelling of Voting Outcomes and Socio-Economic Characteristics at the 2001 Australian Federal Election

GEOGRAPHICAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2006
ROBERT STIMSON
Abstract This study uses GIS and spatial modelling to relate voting outcomes at the 2001 federal election for polling booths across Australia with the socio-economic characteristics of polling booth catchment areas. The data and analysis used are more detailed and comprehensive than previous studies. It is conducted at a fine level of spatial disaggregation across the whole nation to examine voting outcomes for both major and minor political parties. Because the aim of the paper is to distinguish voting outcomes between political parties rather than to predict voting outcomes for particular political parties, a discriminant analysis is used rather than regression analysis. The statistical discriminant analysis identifies two main socio-economic dimensions that are able to predict polling booth outcomes with a relatively high degree of accuracy. That analysis shows how, at the 2001 federal election, the middle ground, in terms of socio-economic characteristics, was being claimed by the Liberal Party, Country Liberal Party, The Greens, and, to a lesser extent, by the Australian Labor Party. However, the Australian Democrats, National Party and One Nation had more distinctive constituencies, with the National Party and One Nation Party competing for areas with similar socio-economic characteristics. Using GIS mapping tools, examples of actual and predicted polling booth voting outcomes are given, along with selected socio-economic characteristics of booth catchments. [source]

Politics for Better or Worse: Political Nonconformity, the Gambling Dilemma and the North of England Newspaper Company, 1903,1914

HISTORY, Issue 286 2002
Paul Gliddon
Edwardian Britain saw a revival of political activity by nonconformists, who campaigned fervently for the Liberal Party. This resurgence included the purchase of newspapers by nonconformists in the Liberal cause. Many of these nonconformists held strong moral beliefs, and scholars have suggested that there was a tension between such ideals and political practicalities, a tension that caused nonconformists to become disillusioned with political activity and to withdraw from it. However, since such arguments tend to be generalized, this article analyses one example of nonconformists' difficulties, namely those experienced by Liberals who acquired several newspapers in Darlington in 1903. These Liberal nonconformists tried in vain to run The Northern Echo, a paper of note (or notoriety, depending on one's politics), without the betting content they so deplored. This article argues that the episode does demonstrate a tension between high ideals and political practicalities, though the nonconformist response here was a pragmatic and even a mixed one that ensured the survival of a strong Liberal press in north-east England for the next fifty years. It also suggests that, although there was a significant demand for betting content among newspaper audiences, none the less that demand was of a lesser extent than historians have so far supposed. [source]

Liberals in Schism: A History of the National Liberal Party , By David Dutton

PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 2 2009
RICHARD TOYE
No abstract is available for this article. [source]

100 Years On: Who are the Inheritors of the ,New Liberal' Mantle?

THE POLITICAL QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2007
ALISON HOLMES
The ,great divorce' of progressive politics at the end of the nineteenth century permanently altered British politics. While the philosophies of the Labour movement and the Liberal Party had many common elements, ideologically they diverged on issues of the role of liberty and the state in relation to the individual and the community to the point that they became irreconcilable. New Liberalism was one result of that debate. Contemporary political debate reflects many of the same features as the turmoil present a century ago, and the Labour Party and the Liberal Democrats are again contesting much of the same ground. This article seeks to draw out the salient aspects of this debate to conclude which, if either, party is the inheritor of the New Liberal tradition. [source]

A "Civilised Amateur": Edgar Holt and His Life in Letters and Politics

AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 1 2003
Bridget Griffen, Foley
Now largely forgotten, Edgar George Holt (1904,1988) was a leading journalist and public relations officer in the middle decades of twentieth,century Australia. This article examines his prominent journalistic career in the 1930s and 1940s, his presidency of the Australian Journalists' Association, and his work as the Liberal Party of Australia's public relations officer from 1950 to the early 1970s. The article explores the evolution of his cultural and political views, considering how a literary aesthete and poet came to be at the forefront of the 1944 newspaper strike and then an important player in Australian conservative machine politics and the emerging industry of political public relations. [source]