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Labor Movement (labor + movement)
Selected AbstractsLabor Movement: How Migration Regulates Labor Markets , By Harald BauderINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 1 2008Adina Batnitzky No abstract is available for this article. [source] Labor Movement: How Migration Regulates Labor Markets, by Harald BauderJOURNAL OF REGIONAL SCIENCE, Issue 3 2008Oded Stark First page of article [source] The Promises and the Challenges of Social Movement UnionismANTHROPOLOGY OF WORK REVIEW, Issue 1 2007Spencer L. Cowles The Voice of Southern Labor: Radio, Music, and Textile Strikes, 1929,1934. Vincent J. Roscigno and William F. Danaher. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004. Reorganizing the Rust Belt: An Inside Study of the American Labor Movement. Steven Henry Lopez. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2004. Rebuilding Labor: Organizing and Organizers in the New Union Movement. Ruth Milkman and Kim Voss editors. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2004. [source] Innovative Governance and Development in the New Ireland: Social Partnership and the Integrated ApproachGOVERNANCE, Issue 1 2004J. D. House Since the mid-1980s, the economy of the Republic of Ireland has displayed a remarkable turnaround. Its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has grown at a faster rate than any developed country in the world. The government's deficit has been cut severely and the debt-to-GDP ration sharply reduced. Average incomes have risen significantly, and the unemployment rate reduced dramatically. This article documents these changes. Its main purpose, however, is to provide a plausible explanation for the "Irish miracle." While many factors have been important,support for the Economic Union's regional development programs, a favorable tax structure, locational and language advantages for attracting multinational corporations, strong education and training programs,these factors in themselves do not explain the emergence of the "Celtic tiger." They were in place before the mid-1980s when Ireland was suffering from a fiscal, economic, and political crisis. Instead, the article argues, it was the creative and innovative response of Irish leaders in government, industry, and labor movement and community organizations to the crisis, and the subsequent institutionalization of this response in a new form of governance, that has been the catalyst for the Irish success story. Based on the thorough background research of the Economic and Social Research Council, a farsighted group of leaders developed a strategic plan in 1987 that provided a blueprint for constructive economic and social change. This was then formally instituted for wage restraint on the part of labor in return for income tax and social supposed provisions by government. Irish social Partnership is modeled to some extent on Northern European corporatism. The article reviews corporatism as an early form of innovative governance, using classical corporatism in Sweden and competitive corporatism in the Netherlands to illustrate how this approach has evolved over the years. Dutch economic success in recent years is due in part to its new form of corporatism that has helped it become globally competitive. It is argued, however, that Irish social partnership goes beyond continental corporatism in several important ways. It is more inclusive, covering a large array of social interests; it is more strategic, with a well-articulated integrated approach to social and economic development that is self-corrective and articulated in a new national agreement every three years; and it is more firmly institutionalized in both government and nongovernment agencies in the country. Social partnership and the integrated approach have become part of the culture of the new Ireland. This innovative form of governance underlies the Irish turnaround and augurs well for the future. It can also serve as a model, with appropriate modification tailor-made to each case, for other jurisdictions hoping to emulate Ireland's success. [source] When Do U.S. Workers First Experience Unionization?INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS, Issue 2 2010Implications for Revitalizing the Labor Movement Debates over revitalizing the U.S. labor movement often overlook when workers are first unionized. This article analyzes the frequency and nature of workers' first unionized jobs by tracking a cohort of individuals from age 15/16 to 40/41. Though workers are most likely to be unionized when they are in their forties, this article shows that surprising numbers of individuals first encounter unionization in their jobs at a much younger age. These results highlight the importance of experiential union membership models as well as life-cycle union representation strategies that recognize the young age at which many workers are first unionized. [source] Labor Union Response to Diversity in Canada and the United StatesINDUSTRIAL RELATIONS, Issue 3 2000Gerald Hunt Canadian and American research finds that organized labor's engagement with race, ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation until recently has been largely exclusionist. The Canadian labor movement emerges as having been somewhat more responsive to equity issues, particularly gender and sexual orientation, and at an earlier stage than its U.S. counterpart. The American movement, however, did create limited room for African-American issues and unionization from early this century and now shows signs of broader engagement with diversity issues in general. The literature is strong in case studies pointing to exceptional situations involving minority militancy and union acceptance and in highlighting the role of activists inside and external to the labor movement. It suffers from a lack of large-scale analysis and comparison. [source] Combining Work as an Historian and Activist: A Personal Account1PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 2 2007Lawrence S. Wittner This essay examines how I have blended my roles as an activist and as a historian. Over the years, I have participated in the peace, racial justice, and labor movements, and this activism has significantly affected both my scholarship and teaching. It has also complicated my professional life in a number of ways,absorbing time and energy that might have been devoted to additional scholarship, limiting fellowship opportunities, and (at least initially) blocking my receipt of tenure. Overall, however, I have found the combination of activism and historical work very satisfying, for it has contributed to humane causes and provided me with an interesting and meaningful life. [source] The Struggle over Employee Benefits: The Role of Labor in Influencing Modern Health PolicyTHE MILBANK QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2003David Rosner Health care policy has often been described as the work of political actors seeking to benefit the larger community or a particular group of individuals. In 20th-century America, those actors worked in a historical context shaped by demographic and political pressures created during a period of rapid industrial change. Whereas scholars have placed the emergence of European social welfare in such a larger frame, their analysis of movements for health insurance in the United States has largely ignored the need for a frame. If anything, their studies have focused on the lack of a radical political working-class movement in this country as an explanation for the absence of national or compulsory health insurance. Indeed, this absence has dominated analyses of the failure of health policy reform in this country, which generally ignore even these passing historical allusions to the role of class in shaping health policy. Explanations of why health care reform failed during the Clinton administration cited the lack of coverage for millions of Americans but rarely alluded to the active role of labor or other working-class groups in shaping the existing health care system. After organized labor failed to institute national health insurance in the mid-twentieth century, its influence on health care policy diminished even further. This article proposes an alternative interpretation of the development of health care policy in the United States, by examining the association of health policy with the relationships between employers and employees. The social welfare and health insurance systems that resulted were a direct outcome of the pressures brought by organized and unorganized labor movements. The greater dependency created by industrial and demographic changes, conflicts between labor and capital over the political meaning of disease and accidents, and attempts by the political system to mitigate the impending social crisis all helped determine new health policy options. [source] | ||||||||||