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Latino Immigrants (latino + immigrant)
Selected AbstractsGeographic Mobility and Spatial Assimilation among U. S. Latino Immigrants,INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW, Issue 3 2005Scott J. South Although the spatial assimilation of immigrants to the United States has important implications for social theory and social policy, few studies have explored the atterns and determinants of interneighborhood geographic mobility that lead to immigrants'residential proximity to the white, non-Hispanic majority. We explore this issue by merging data from three different sources - the Latino National Political Survey, the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, and tract-level census data - to begin unraveling causal relationships among indicators of socioeconomic, social, cultural, segmented, and spatial assimilation. Our longitudinal analysis of 700 Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Cuban immigrants followed from 1990 to 1995 finds broad support for hypotheses derived from the classical account of minority assimilation. High income, English language use, and embeddedness in Anglo social contexts increase Latino immigrants'geographic mobility into Anglo neighborhoods. U. S. citizenship and years spent in the United Stares are ppsidvely associated with geographic mobility into more Anglo neighbor oods, and coethnic contact is inversely associated with this form of mobility, but these associations operate largely through other redictors. Prior experiences of ethnic discrimination increase and residence in public housing decreases the likelihood that Latino immigrants will move from their origin neighborhoods, while residing in metropolitan areas with large Latino populations leads to geographic moves into "less Anglo" census tracts. [source] Self-Prescription Practices in Recent Latino ImmigrantsPUBLIC HEALTH NURSING, Issue 3 2008Maren J. Coffman ABSTRACT Objective: Self-prescription involves the purchase and use of restricted medications without medical advice. Although common in Central and South American countries, little is known about this practice among Latino immigrants in the United States. The purpose of this study, therefore, was to explore how Latino immigrants obtain and use prescription medications without accessing the formal health care system. Design: This exploratory descriptive study used focus groups to gain an understanding of the use of prescription medications without medical care. Sample: Three focus group discussions were held with 19 adult Latino immigrants who were new residents in the United States, and did not have health insurance; most were undocumented. Results: Analysis of the data revealed 4 major themes: (a) health care barriers, (b) cultural norms, (c) self-care, and (d) self-prescription. Conclusions: The data indicate that this population experiences significant barriers to accessing health care, forcing them to seek treatment alternatives including the purchase and use of drugs manufactured in Mexico. There are many public health and safety concerns related to self-prescription practices. Nurses need to be aware of the barriers to health care that lead to these potentially dangerous medication practices, and to recognize and understand self-prescription. [source] Mother,Infant Person- and Object-Directed Interactions in Latino Immigrant Families: A Comparative ApproachINFANCY, Issue 4 2008Linda R. Cote Cultural variation in durations, relations, and contingencies of mother,infant person-and object-directed behaviors were examined for 121 nonmigrant Latino mother,infant dyads in South America, Latina immigrants from South America and their infants living in the United States, and European American mother,infant dyads. Nonmigrant Latina mothers and infants engaged in person-directed behaviors longer than Latino immigrant or European American mothers and infants. Mother and infant person-directed behaviors were positively related; mother and infant object-related behaviors were related for some cultural groups but not others. Nearly all mother and infant behaviors were mutually contingent. Mothers were more responsive to infants' behaviors than infants were to mothers. Some cultural differences in responsiveness emerged. Immigrant status has a differentiated role in mother,infant interactions. [source] The Latinization of the Central Shenandoah ValleyINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 1 2008Laura Zarrugh Virginia is among a number of southern states in the United States, such as North Carolina, Arkansas and Georgia, which have experienced a sudden growth in Latino immigration during the past decade. Not only is the volume of growth unprecedented, but many of the destinations are new and located in rural areas. Places that have not hosted immigrant populations for generations are quickly becoming multicultural. The small city of Harrisonburg (population 43,500 according to the 2005 estimate), which is located in the rural Central Shenandoah Valley of Virginia, is perhaps the premier example of this new pattern of change. While local advertising once promoted Harrisonburg for its "99.2% American-born and 93.7% white" population, the area today holds the distinction of hosting the most diverse public school enrollment in the state (in 2006-2007), with students from 64 countries who speak 44 languages. Among them are Spanish speakers from at least 14 different countries. Drawing on social network theory, the paper examines how social networks among Latino immigrants become activated in new settlement areas. It presents a case history of the historic process of "Latinization" involving the settlement of a number of diverse Latino populations (from Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Cuba and Uruguay) in Harrisonburg and the surrounding Central Shenandoah Valley. The study demonstrates how a number of key institutions, including local agricultural industries (apples and poultry), a refugee resettlement office and churches recruited "pioneers" from these immigrant groups to the area and how "pioneers" subsequently engaged in further social network recruitment, thus creating multiple transnational "daughter communities" in the Harrisonburg area. The policy implications of this historical process are explored. Au même titre que la Caroline du Nord, l'Arkansas et la Georgie, la Virginie est l'un de ces Etats du sud des Etats-Unis qui ont été témoins d'une poussée soudaine de l'immigration latino-américaine au cours de la dernière décennie. Non seulement il s'agit d'un rythme de croissance sans précédent, mais bon nombre de destinations choisies sont nouvelles et situées en zone rurale. Des lieux qui n'avaient pas accueilli de population immigrée depuis des générations prennent brusquement un caractère multiculturel. La petite ville de Harrisonburg (43 500 habitants selon un décompte approximatif de 2005), qui est située dans la vallée centrale de Shenandoah, en Virginie, est peut-être le principal exemple de cette nouvelle évolution. Alors qu'elle se vantait autrefois d'être composée d'Américains de souche à hauteur de 99,2% et d'être blanche à 93,7%, cette ville se distingue aujourd'hui par la plus grande diversité d'origine des enfants scolarisés à l'échelle de l'Etat (pour la période 2006-2007), puisqu'on y dénombre 64 nationalités parlant 44 langues. On y trouve notamment des hispanophones originaires d'au moins 14 pays différents. A partir de la théorie des réseaux sociaux, l'auteur examine comment ces réseaux se sont activés chez les immigrants latino-américains dans les nouvelles zones d'installation. Il présente un historique du processus de "latinisation", en citant notamment l'installation de populations latino-américaines diverses (originaires du Mexique, du Guatemala, d'El Salvador, du Honduras, de Cuba et d'Uruguay) à Harrisonburg et dans la vallée centrale Shenandoah entourant cette ville. L'auteur montre comment un certain nombre d'institutions clés, et notamment les industries agricoles locales (pommeraies et élevages de poulets), un bureau de réinstallation de réfugiés et des églises ont recruté des "pionniers" au sein de ces groupes d'immigrants, et comment ces "pionniers" ont par la suite poursuivi cette action de recrutement à l'aide de réseaux sociaux, créant ainsi de multiples "communautés affiliées" transnationales dans la région de Harrisonburg. L'étude examine aussi les implications politiques de ce processus historique. Virginia es uno de los estados sureños de los Estados Unidos, al igual que Carolina del Norte, Arkansas y Georgia, que ha experimentado un incremento repentino de la inmigración latina durante el último decenio. No sólo se trata de un incremento sin precedentes, si no que además los destinos son nuevos y localizados en zonas rurales. Estos lugares que no han albergado a poblaciones inmigrantes durante generaciones se están convirtiendo rápidamente en entornos multiculturales. La pequeña ciudad de Harrisonburg (con 43.500 habitantes según el censo de 2005), está localizada en el valle rural central de Shenadoah en Virginia, y es quizás el primer ejemplo de este nuevo patrón de cambio. Si bien la publicidad local promocionaba a Harrisonburg porque sus habitantes eran "99,2 por ciento nacidos en América y 93,7 por ciento blancos" hoy en día se destaca por albergar la población más diversa inscrita en los colegios públicos del Estado (entre 2006 y 2007), con estudiantes provenientes de 64 países que hablan 44 idiomas. Entre ellos están estudiantes de habla hispana provenientes de por lo menos 14 países distintos. Sobre la base de la teoría de redes sociales, este artículo examina redes sociales entre los inmigrantes latinos que se activan en nuevas zonas de asentamiento. Se presenta un estudio por caso de un proceso histórico de "latinización" que implica el asentamiento de toda una variedad de poblaciones latinas de "México, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Cuba y Uruguay" en Harrisonburg y el valle central aledaño de Shenandoah. El estudio demuestra cómo una serie de instituciones clave,- incluidas las industrias agrícolas locales (manzanos y avicultura), una oficina de reasentamiento de refugiados y las iglesias - reclutaron a los "pioneros" de estos grupos de inmigrantes en la región y cómo esos "pioneros" entablaron ulteriormente el reclutamiento a nivel de su red social, creando "comunidades hermanas" transnacionales y múltiples en la región de Harrisonburg. También se examinan las repercusiones políticas de este proceso histórico. [source] Geographic Mobility and Spatial Assimilation among U. S. Latino Immigrants,INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW, Issue 3 2005Scott J. South Although the spatial assimilation of immigrants to the United States has important implications for social theory and social policy, few studies have explored the atterns and determinants of interneighborhood geographic mobility that lead to immigrants'residential proximity to the white, non-Hispanic majority. We explore this issue by merging data from three different sources - the Latino National Political Survey, the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, and tract-level census data - to begin unraveling causal relationships among indicators of socioeconomic, social, cultural, segmented, and spatial assimilation. Our longitudinal analysis of 700 Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Cuban immigrants followed from 1990 to 1995 finds broad support for hypotheses derived from the classical account of minority assimilation. High income, English language use, and embeddedness in Anglo social contexts increase Latino immigrants'geographic mobility into Anglo neighborhoods. U. S. citizenship and years spent in the United Stares are ppsidvely associated with geographic mobility into more Anglo neighbor oods, and coethnic contact is inversely associated with this form of mobility, but these associations operate largely through other redictors. Prior experiences of ethnic discrimination increase and residence in public housing decreases the likelihood that Latino immigrants will move from their origin neighborhoods, while residing in metropolitan areas with large Latino populations leads to geographic moves into "less Anglo" census tracts. [source] Evidence of organizational injustice in poultry processing plants: Possible effects on occupational health and safety among latino workers in North CarolinaAMERICAN JOURNAL OF INDUSTRIAL MEDICINE, Issue 1 2009Antonio J. Marín MA Abstract Background Over 250,000 workers are employed in poultry processing, one of the most dangerous industries in the US. These jobs are increasingly held by immigrant workers who are frequently undocumented, lack knowledge of workers' rights to workplace safety, and who are reluctant to pursue their rights. This situation creates the potential for organizational injustice, made visible through abusive supervisory practices, and leads to situations in which occupational illnesses and injuries are likely to occur. Methods This paper draws on data collected during the research phases of a community-based participatory research and social justice project. Two hundred survey interviews and 26 in-depth interviews were collected in representative, community-based samples in western North Carolina. Analyses describe associations between one aspect of organizational injustice, abusive supervision, and worker injuries. Results Workers' reports of abusive supervision are associated with a variety of specific and summary health indicators. The associations are stronger for women than for men. These suggest that the use of relative power within the plant may be the basis for injuries and illnesses. Three types of power relations are described that form the basis for these abusive interactions in the plant: ethnicity (American vs. Latino), immigration status ("good papers" vs. undocumented), and rank (supervisor vs. worker). Two factors modify these relations: kinship (preferences and privileges for family members) and gender. Conclusions Among Latino immigrants working in poultry plants, power differences reflecting organizational injustice in the form of abusive supervision may promote occupational illnesses and injuries, particularly for women. Am. J. Ind. Med. 52:37,48, 2009. © 2008 Wiley-Liss, Inc. [source] Self-Prescription Practices in Recent Latino ImmigrantsPUBLIC HEALTH NURSING, Issue 3 2008Maren J. Coffman ABSTRACT Objective: Self-prescription involves the purchase and use of restricted medications without medical advice. Although common in Central and South American countries, little is known about this practice among Latino immigrants in the United States. The purpose of this study, therefore, was to explore how Latino immigrants obtain and use prescription medications without accessing the formal health care system. Design: This exploratory descriptive study used focus groups to gain an understanding of the use of prescription medications without medical care. Sample: Three focus group discussions were held with 19 adult Latino immigrants who were new residents in the United States, and did not have health insurance; most were undocumented. Results: Analysis of the data revealed 4 major themes: (a) health care barriers, (b) cultural norms, (c) self-care, and (d) self-prescription. Conclusions: The data indicate that this population experiences significant barriers to accessing health care, forcing them to seek treatment alternatives including the purchase and use of drugs manufactured in Mexico. There are many public health and safety concerns related to self-prescription practices. Nurses need to be aware of the barriers to health care that lead to these potentially dangerous medication practices, and to recognize and understand self-prescription. [source] ,Why do they hate us?' Reframing immigration through participatory action researchAREA, Issue 2 2010Caitlin Cahill Why do ,they' hate ,us'? is a painful starting point for trying to make sense of the tangled web of global restructuring, politics and racism. My discussion draws upon ,Dreaming of No Judgment', a participatory action research project developed with young people in Salt Lake City, Utah that explores the emotional and economic impacts of stereotypes upon immigrant communities. My analysis focuses upon the disjunctures between the dominant immigration discourse and the everyday experiences of young Latino immigrants. Drawing upon borderlands scholarship, starting with embodied everyday lived experiences and concerns, here I consider how the questions, concerns and feelings of young people offer new openings for reframing immigration. In conclusion, I reflect upon how PAR might be a transformative ,construction site' for reworking and responding to social injustices through the arts. [source] | |||||||||||||