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International Relations (international + relations)
Terms modified by International Relations Selected AbstractsWILLIAM H. REHNQUIST AWARD FOR JUDICIAL EXCELLENCE ADDRESSFAMILY COURT REVIEW, Issue 2 2009Hon. Jonathan Lippman The William H. Rehnquist Award is one of the most celebrated judicial honors in the country. It is given each year to a state court judge who demonstrates the "highest level of judicial excellence, integrity, fairness, and professional ethics." The 2008 recipient, Jonathan Lippman, was recently appointed and confirmed as Chief Judge of the State of New York. Chief Judge Lippman was previously the Presiding Justice of the Appellate Division of the First Judicial Department of the New York State Supreme Court. He was appointed New York's Chief Administrative Judge by Chief Judge Judith S. Kaye and served from January 1996 to May 2007 and was responsible for the operation of a court system with a $2.4 billion budget, 1300 state-paid judges, 2300 town and village judges, and 16,000 nonjudicial personnel. Among his numerous professional activities, Chief Judge Lippman served as president of the Conference of State Court Administrators from 2005 to 2006 and was the vice-chair of the National Center for State Courts from 2005 to 2006, where he was a member of the Board of Directors from 2003 to 2007. During his tenure, Chief Judge Lippman has been the recipient of numerous awards and recognitions, including the 2006 Fund For Modern Courts Cyrus R. Vance Tribute for Vision, Integrity and Dedication to the Fair Administration of Justice Personified by Cyrus R. Vance (November 27, 2006); the New York County Lawyers' Association Conspicuous Service Award in Recognition of Many Years of Outstanding Public Service (September 28, 2006); and the Award for Excellence in Public Service of the New York State Bar Association's Committee on Attorneys in Public Service (January 24, 2006). Chief Judge Lippman received a Bachelor of Arts in Government and International Relations from New York University, Washington Square College, where he graduated cum laude in 1965. He also received his J.D. from New York University in 1968. Below is the speech he delivered after accepting the William H. Rehnquist Award from U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John G. Roberts. [source] Stanford School on Sociological Institutionalism: A Global Cultural Approach,INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 3 2010Didem Buhari-Gulmez Stanford School,World Society or World Polity approach,led by John W. Meyer has been largely overlooked despite its revolutionary insights (Robertson 2009). Nevertheless, renewed interest in neoinstitutionalisms and concepts as world society, culture, and legitimacy (Clark 2007) imply Stanford School's relevance for contemporary social and political sciences. This essay discusses first, the underlying theoretical arguments of the School, second, its main findings and responses to criticisms, and third, Stanford School's resonance with the Constructivist, Neoinstitutionalist, and Sociological turns in International Relations. Finally, it suggests that Stanford School opens new horizons for EU studies by establishing the "missing link" between globalization and European integration. [source] Beyond Presentism: Rethinking the Enduring Co-constitutive Relationships between International Law and International Relations,INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 3 2010Rémi Bachand This paper challenges the views in the fields of International Relations and International Law that treat the significance of law in the international system solely on the basis of the contemporary context marked by the increased institutionalization of world politics. Instead of focusing on the relationship between rules and the conduct of actors, we conceptualize the co-constitutive relationship between law and politics, and incorporate the multiple forms of legal-political expression that constitute power relations and dynamics into our analysis. Three dimensions of the co-constitutive relations between Law and Politics are explored: legal forms, legal constraints, and the indeterminacy of law. [source] For a Public International RelationsINTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2008George Lawson The last few years have seen an opening up of what is considered to be the legitimate terrain of international relations (IR). This move is, for the most part, extremely welcome. Yet, the multiple theoretical and empirical openings in IR since the end of the Cold War have failed to elucidate many of the puzzles, questions and problems posed by the contemporary conjuncture. There are a number of reasons for this failure ranging from the stickiness of Cold War problem fields to IR's continued attachment to systemic-level theories. However, this article focuses less on symptoms than on treatment and, in particular, on how generating a more "public" international relations enterprise might help to connect IR with the core theoretical, empirical and normative terrain of "actually existing" world politics. Taking its cue from recent debates in sociology about how to generate a "public sociology," the article lays out three pathologies that a public IR enterprise should avoid and four ground rules,amounting to a manifesto of sorts,which sustain the case for a "public" international relations. [source] Balancing Theory versus Fact, Stasis versus Change: A Look at Some Introductions to International RelationsINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 1 2004Andrew J. Enterline Do dramatic events in international relations (IR) signal fundamental changes in political behavior? How do international relations texts address change, and what are the implications of textbook design for the way that we teach undergraduate introductions to the field? This article provides an initial inquiry into these questions by surveying a sample of five international relations texts. Rather than seek to pick the best book, the article examines the methods by which the textbook authors balance theory versus facts, as well as stasis versus change, in formulating introductory frameworks. This analysis is motivated by way of a general comparison of the sample texts with Organski's (1958) text, World Politics. Finally, the author discusses the strengths and weaknesses of different balancing strategies, and the implications of these strategies for teaching introductions to international relations. [source] A Pragmatic Guide to Qualitative Historical Analysis in the Study of International RelationsINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 4 2002Cameron G. Thies Researchers using qualitative methods, including case studies and comparative case studies, are becoming more self,conscious in enhancing the rigor of their research designs so as to maximize their explanatory leverage with a small number of cases. One aspect of qualitative research that has not received as much attention is the use of primary and secondary source material as data or evidence. This essay explores the potential problems encountered by political scientists as they conduct archival research or rely on secondary source material produced by historians. The essay also suggests guidelines for researchers to minimize the main problems associated with qualitative historical research, namely, investigator bias and unwarranted selectivity in the use of historical source materials. These guidelines should enable advanced undergraduates and graduate students to enhance the quality of their historically minded political science scholarship. [source] Treading on Tradition: Approaches to Teaching International Relations to the Nontraditional UndergraduateINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 1 2002Nancy E. Wright Nontraditional undergraduates (NTUs), undergraduates who typically are older than average, work full-time, and/or are entrusted with substantial family responsibilities, pose a special challenge to international relations educators. Severe constraints on time and access to library facilities both impede progress and may give an erroneous impression that NTUs are not as committed to their education as more conventional college undergraduates. The lack of continuity in education that typifies the NTU experience often manifests itself in anxiety, frustration, and gaps in fundamental knowledge. At the same time, the maturity and sophistication that come with life experience often far exceed that of the more conventional college student. Furthermore, typical requirements of international relations and international studies majors, such as second and third language proficiency, internships with international organizations, and overseas study are often not feasible for the working student with family responsibilities. Possibilities for meeting the challenges of teaching NTUs include greater use of open-book examinations, research proposals, case studies, simulations, problem-based learning (PBL), use of the Internet, and the development of short-term intensive overseas study opportunities that accommodate the working student's schedule. [source] Because People Matter: Studying Global Political EconomyINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 4 2001Ronnie D. Lipschutz The 1990s were hard on our traditional theories of International Relations and International Political Economy, and the Millennium has brought the End of Meta-Narrative as We Know It. In this article, I discuss and dissect three of the past decade's meta-narratives, and show how they were no more than failed efforts to shore up the decomposing corpus of mainstream theories. In their stead, I offer a preliminary description of a contextual and contingent approach to thinking about and analyzing global political economy. I place people at the center of my framework, and use the tools of historical materialism, feminist theory, and agency-structure analysis to generate an understanding of the relationship between what I call the "social individual" and global politics and political economy. [source] Using Comparative Frontiers to Explore World-Systems Analysis in International RelationsINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 3 2001Thomas D. Hall This article presents one way to approach the case study versus theoretically driven approach to teaching comparative courses. The goal is to actively engage students in doing international studies, not simply reading about the work of others. The method derives a broad set of case studies from some theoretical approach. Students then conduct and present their own case studies. Students then use their own case studies and those examined by the class as a whole as vehicles for interrogating, critiquing, and extending that theoretical approach. These final exercises in theory-building are a significant part of this approach. The specific example presented here uses world-systems analysis as the vehicle for organizing comparative study of frontiers. However, this method could readily employ other theoretical models to examine other theoretical and/or empirical puzzles via specific case studies. [source] Game Theory: Pitfalls and Opportunities in Applying It to International RelationsINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 3 2000Steven J. Brams Four problems plague game-theoretic models in international relations (IR): (1) misspecifying the rules, (2) confusing goals and rational choice, (3) arbitrarily reducing the multiplicity of equilibria, and (4) forsaking backward induction. An alternative approach, theory of moves (TOM), is discussed and applied to Prisoners' Dilemma and then, more prescriptively, to the Iran hostage crisis of 1979,80. TOM incorporates into the framework of game theory an initial state in a payoff matrix, the moves and countermoves required to reach a "nonmyopic equilibrium," and threat, moving, and order power that reflect asymmetries in the capabilities of the players. It also allows for incomplete information, which in the Iran hostage crisis led to misperceptions and flawed play. Two general lessons come out of the U.S. foreign-policy failure in the Iran hostage crisis: (1) know the game you are playing, and (2) make threats only if they are likely to be credible. In specific games, TOM provides detailed prescriptions for optimal play, depending on where play starts and the powers of the players, that could aid foreign-policy makers, especially in crises. [source] Marking a Weberian Moment: Our Discipline Looks AheadINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 2 2000Donald J. Puchala That the discipline of International Relations is again in disarray was the prevailing theme of a seminar titled Visions of International Relations, held at the University of South Carolina in autumn 1998. This essay is at once a reflection on the discussions that took place at the seminar and a representation of views that I offered as a participant. It comments on the epistemological issues in contention in the "third great debate" in International Relations, and it raises questions about the place and legitimacy of humanistic approaches to the study of relations among states and peoples. By my reckoning, International Relations is a full-fledged, full-blown, autonomous, legitimate and accomplished academic discipline, and ought not to be thought of as a subfield of political science or of any other of the socialsciences. [source] What Is Your Research Program?INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2005Some Feminist Answers to International Relations Methodological Questions Methodological issues have constituted some of the deepest sources of misunderstanding between International Relations (IR) feminists and IR theorists working in social scientific frameworks. IR theorists have called upon feminists to frame their research questions in terms of testable hypotheses. Feminists have responded that their research questions cannot be answered using social science explanatory frameworks. Deep epistemological divisions about the construction and purpose of knowledge make bridging these methodological divides difficult. These epistemological standards lead feminists to very different methodological perspectives. Asking different questions from those typically asked in IR, many IR feminists have drawn on ethnographic, narrative, cross-cultural, and other methods that are rarely taught to students of IR, to answer them. Drawing on a range of interdisciplinary scholarship on feminist methodologies and some recent IR feminist case studies, this article analyzes and assesses how these methodological orientations are useful for understanding the gendering of international politics, the state and its security-seeking practices and its effects on the lives of women and men. [source] Singing Our World into Existence: International Relations Theory and September 11INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2004February 2, Portland, Presidential Address to the International Studies Association This paper focuses on the relationship between International Relations theory and ethics. It poses the question of the complicity of the discipline in the events of September 11, 2001. The paper begins with a discussion of Weber's notion of science as a vocation, and links this to the commitment in the discipline to a value-free conception of social science, one that sharply separates facts from values. The paper then examines the role of ten core assumptions in International Relations theory in helping to construct a discipline that has a culturally and historically very specific notion of violence, one resting on distinctions between economics and politics, between the outside and the inside of states, and between the public and the private realms. Using the United Nations Human Development report, the paper summarizes a number of forms of violence in world politics, and questions why the discipline of International Relations only focuses on a small subset of these. The paper then refers to the art of Magritte, and specifically Velazquez's painting Las Meninas, to argue for a notion of representation relevant to the social world that stresses negotiation, perspective, and understanding rather than notions of an underlying Archimedean foundation to truth claims. In concluding, the paper asserts that the discipline helped to sing into existence the world of September 11 by reflecting the interests of the dominant in what were presented as being neutral, and universal theories. [source] Domestic Politics and International RelationsINTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2002Bruce Bueno De Mesquita In reviewing the history of portions of international studies I reflect on how we might best advance knowledge. I dwell on two issues: questions of method and the urgency of refocusing our efforts on leaders and domestic affairs as the centerpiece for understanding the world of international relations. I argue that scientific progress is best made by combining three methodological approaches in our research: formal, mathematical logic to ensure internal consistency in arguments about complex and contingent relations among variables; case studies and archival research to evaluate verisimilitude between theory and action; and statistical analysis to establish the generality of the hypothesized relations among variables. Often such methodologically diverse and progressive research will best be accomplished by encouraging collaboration rather than by perpetuating the current norm of penalizing co-authorship especially among junior scholars. I offer concrete examples of advances in knowledge achieved through the employment of mathematical reasoning and statistical analysis as many have cast doubts about the substantive contributions of these particular approaches. My perspective is, of course, personal and may not be shared by many others. I set out my thoughts, therefore, with the hope that they will stimulate constructive debate and dialogue and that they will serve to integrate diverse approaches to international affairs. [source] The Forgotten Prophet: Tom Paine's Cosmopolitanism and International RelationsINTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2000Thomas C. Walker The recent questions about the viability of political realism highlight a need for alternative theoretical frameworks to guide international relations research. These alternatives, however, have been slow to emerge, due in part to the field's traditional neglect of political theory. In this essay I present an alternative based on a survey of Paine's international thought. Sir Michael Howard referred to Paine as the most important internationalist writer of all time, but his contributions have been largely ignored by students of international relations. Paine was a classic second image theorist who first posited how democratic governance would promote a peaceful world. Paine's works leave us with all the features of cosmopolitan thinking in international relations: Faith in reason and progress, the evils of authoritarian regimes, the democratic peace, the peaceful effect of trade, nonprovocative defense policies, open diplomacy, obsolescence of conquest, the universal respect for human rights, and the democratic propensity to engage in messianic interventionism. I conclude with a comparison of Kant and Paine where I argue that Paine is the more faithful representative of the Enlightenment for students of international relations. [source] American Orientalism and American Exceptionalism: A Critical Rethinking of US HegemonyINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 2 2009Meghana V. Nayak In this essay, we argue that critical International Relations (IR) scholars must consider American Orientalism in tandem with American Exceptionalism in order to better understand US identity, foreign policymaking, and hegemony. We claim that American Exceptionalism is a particular type of American Orientalism, a style of thought about the distinctions between the "West" and the "East" that gives grounding to the foundational narrative of "America." While Exceptionalism and Orientalism both deploy similar discursive, ontological, and epistemological claims about the "West" and its non-western "Others," Exceptionalism is also rooted specifically in American political thought that developed in contradistinction to Europe. As such, we demonstrate that different logics of othering are at work between the West and the non-West, and among Western powers. We implore critical IR scholars to interrogate how the United States and Europe alternatively collude and clash in wielding normative power over their non-Western Others. We claim such research is important for exploring the staying power of American hegemony and understanding the implications of European challenges to American foreign policy, particularly given recent concerns about a so-called transatlantic divide. [source] Responsible Scholarship in International Relations: A SymposiumINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 4 2008J. Ann Tickner First page of article [source] What Lies Ahead: Classical Realism on the Future of International RelationsINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 4 2008Murielle Cozette Realism contends that politics is a struggle for power and/or survival, and consequently depicts international politics as a realm of recurrent conflicts among states with very little prospect for change. It is therefore not traditionally regarded as an approach which entertains an idea of progress. E.H Carr famously rejected "pure realism" as an untenable position precisely because it fails to provide "a ground for action," and advocated finding a delicate balance between realism and utopia, as meaningful political action must include both. While realism certainly entails a degree of pessimism, it is far fetched to claim that realist scholars are radically sceptical about the future of international relations. The article investigates Hans Morgenthau and Raymond Aron, two leading classical realist scholars, and argues that neither advocated a strict version of power politics. On the contrary, they both attempted to find the balance Carr suggested between realist concerns and ideals necessary to spur political action. Both were also very aware of the dangers of nihilism, and upheld hope in the future of humankind, even if this hope remains tempered by pessimism as to whether it will ever realize its destiny. [source] The Promise of Historical Sociology in International Relations,INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 3 2006GEORGE LAWSON This essay draws on historical sociology, in particular on historical institutionalism, to critique the micro-, macro-, and meso-level explanations of contemporary international relations theory. Focusing on institutional development, change, and disintegration, it proposes a conjectural, mid-range approach to capturing the processes of large-scale change that are occurring in the international realm. This essay seeks to broaden the field's scope by outlining the possibilities that historical sociology offers to international relations theory and practice. [source] The English School, International Relations, and Progress,INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 2 2005Balkan Devlen This essay evaluates the English School,a prominent approach to the study of international relations,as a "research enterprise" (James 2002). Our exploration begins with an introduction of a "continuum of aggregation" that conveys a given research enterprise, such as the English School, at different conceptual levels. The English School's axioms along with its negative and positive heuristics are identified and evaluated based on the classics and more recent works from Wight, Bull, and others. Conclusions and prospects for further development of the English School complete the review. [source] The Construction and Cumulation of Knowledge in International Relations: Introduction,INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 4 2004Daniel S. Geller First page of article [source] The Study of Democratic Peace and Progress in International Relations,INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 1 2004Fred Chernoff This essay argues that the field of international relations has exhibited "progress" of the sort found in the natural sciences. Several well-known accounts of "science" and "progress" are adumbrated; four offer positive accounts of progress (those of Peirce, Duhem, Popper, and Lakatos) and one evidences a negative assessment (Kuhn). Recent studies of the democratic peace,both supporting and opposing,are analyzed to show that they satisfy the terms of each of the definitions of scientific progress. [source] The New Sovereignty in International Relations,INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 3 2003David A. Lake The academic study of sovereignty is undergoing a mini-renaissance. Stimulated by criticisms of classical conceptions of sovereignty in systemic theories of politics, scholars returned to sovereignty as a topic of inquiry in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Their studies are finally bearing fruit. This essay focuses on the new conceptions of sovereignty that are emerging and (1) discusses the fundamental nature of sovereignty, (2) reviews the classical perspective on sovereignty, (3) surveys new constructivist alternatives to this classical view, (4) examines important new work on the problematic nature of sovereignty, (5) identifies continua of hierarchic relationships that make sense of the various forms of mixed or restricted sovereignty that we observe in world politics, and (6) argues why it is important to study alternative, hierarchic relationships in international relations. The principal themes throughout are that sovereignty is far more problematic than recognized in the classical model, that important elements of hierarchy exist in the global system, and that both our theories and practice of international politics would be improved by explicitly incorporating variations in hierarchy. [source] International Relations as Emergent Bakhtinian DialogueINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 1 2003Iver B. Neumann First page of article [source] Dialogue and the Reinforcement of Orthodoxy in International RelationsINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 1 2003Steve Smith First page of article [source] Inequality and Theorizing in International Relations: The Case for Subaltern RealismINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 3 2002Mohammed Ayoob I argue that the dominant paradigms in IR fail to explain adequately two of the central issues in the international system: the origins of the majority of conflicts and the behavior of the majority of states. These paradigms fail because they formulate generalizations from data drawn from a restricted universe and because they lack historical depth. Both these flaws are related to inequality in the arena of the production of knowledge in IR, which in turn is a function of the inequality in material capabilities in the international system. A supplementary, if not alternative, perspective is needed to correct this situation and fill this gap. We can fashion such a perspective by drawing upon classical realist thought, the historical sociology of state formation, and the normative perspicacity of the English School. Combining their insights and applying them to the analysis of Third World conflict patterns and the external and domestic behavior of Third World states is likely to provide more satisfactory explanations for the origins of the majority of contemporary conflicts. Such an exercise will also shed light on the crucial variables that determine the behavior of the majority of states in the Third World. Moving postcolonial states into the mainstream of theorizing in IR will also help reduce the impact of inequality on the field and open new vistas for theoretically informed scholarly research. I also call for pluralism in international relations theorizing rather than a search for universally applicable law,like generalizations divorced from historical and social contexts. [source] International Relations: A European Perspective , By M. TelňJCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 4 2010FRANKOWSKI No abstract is available for this article. [source] "Perpetual Peace": A Project by Europeans for Europeans?PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 3 2008ref Aksu Immanuel Kant's classic essay Perpetual Peace has famously informed much of the neoliberal "democratic peace" scholarship in International Relations over the past few decades. It has also influenced contemporary notions of cosmopolitanism and global governance. We need to realize, however, that Kant's essay is only one representative of the eighteenth-century European thought on perpetual peace. Several other writers have produced their own versions of the perpetual peace ideal. This article surveys some notable eighteenth-century perpetual peace proposals from a specific perspective: it seeks to find out the attitude of these various proposals toward non-European peoples. It asks, in other words, whether and to what extent non-Europeans were "included" in the eighteenth-century European visions of a perpetual peace. [source] Racial Nationalism as a Paradigm in International Relations: the Kosovo Conflict as Seen by the Far Right in GermanyPEACE & CHANGE, Issue 1 2004Fabian Virchow As the German Federal Armed Forces are becoming more involved in wars since the early 1990s, the far right in Germany strengthens its propaganda on matters of war and peace. Despite its general military-friendly stance and high regard of soldiery, the far right in its majority is very critical toward the deployment of German troops because this use is seen as being in the interests of the United States and Israel. Therefore, anti-Americanism as well as anti-Semitism and racial nationalism dominate the statements of the far right that creates the self-image of being the "real peace movement" at the same time that they favor a new hegemonic position for Germany in Europe. [source] Attachment to the Nation and International Relations: Dimensions of Identity and Their Relationship to War and PeacePOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 5 2009Richard K. Herrmann Since the rise of mass politics, the role national identities play in international relations has been debated. Do they produce a popular reservoir easily tapped for war or bestow dignity thereby fostering cooperation and a democratic peace? The evidence for either perspective is thin, beset by different conceptions of identity and few efforts to identify its effects independent of situational factors. Using data drawn from new national surveys in Italy and the United States, we advance a three-dimensional conception of national identity, theoretically connecting the dimensions to conflictive and cooperative dispositions as well as to decisions to cooperate with the United Nations in containing Iran's nuclear proliferation and Sudan's humanitarian crisis in Darfur. Attachment to the nation in Italy and the United States is found to associate with less support for militarist options and more support for international cooperation as liberal nationalists expect. This depends, however, on containing culturally exclusive conceptions of the nation and chauvinism. [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||