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Industrial Society (industrial + society)
Selected AbstractsImproving the evidence base for international comparative researchINTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL, Issue 193-194 2008Ekkehard Mochmann Industrial societies today produce abundant data fed by the statistical system, social research, market research and administrative data. This is increasingly complemented by processing data produced from sources like commercial transactions. Looking at societies in an international comparative perspective, however, we find many incoherent patterns or even white spots on the globe. Nevertheless, we can observe encouraging progress over past decades. The pioneers of the data movement worked towards an international network of data infrastructures that were conceived as building blocks in a system of social observation. Gaps in the statistical data base had to be filled by sample surveys from social research. This resulted in a network of social science data services to preserve and process the data collected to make them available for secondary analysis, and systematic efforts to continuously collect data comparative by design and to make them available as a public good to the scientific community at large. Increasingly we can observe a rapprochement that has been taking place between social policy and social research since the turn of the millennium. Facing the challenges of globalisation we cannot however, overlook the fact that in spite of all progress, social science data have been collected predominantly with a national perspective, are not well integrated and , even if they are technically and legally accessible , do not easily lend themselves to comparison between nations or periods of time. International data programmes may well profit from the methodological standardisation and harmonisation of measurements as well as from technical progress towards the easier access to and interoperability of data bases. These processes will profit much, if growing efforts to agree on data policies and funding perspectives for international and transcontinental cooperation succeed. [source] Hope in the Last Judgement and Human DignityINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SYSTEMATIC THEOLOGY, Issue 3 2000Wolf Krötke Reviewing modern criticisms of eschatological judgement, both theological and moral-philosophical, this article argues that the notion of the last judgement by Jesus Christ constitutes the dignity of the human person. In modern industrial societies, assertions of autonomous human self-realization rarely lead to human dignity. By contrast, God's acts as creator, saviour and judge constitute human worth. [source] The next economy: from dead carbon to living carbonJOURNAL OF THE SCIENCE OF FOOD AND AGRICULTURE, Issue 12 2006David Morris Abstract In the early part of the 19th century, the global economy was largely based on carbon extracted directly or indirectly (via animals) from plants. The infant science of chemistry distinguished between products made from vegetables and those made from minerals, in effect, distinguishing between living carbon and dead carbon. By the mid 19th century, however, chemists had adopted a different terminology. Both dead carbon and living carbon, from that time, were lumped together as organic. During the next century the hydrocarbon displaced the carbohydrate as the fundamental building block of industrial societies. But at the dawn of the 21st century, a combination of technological, resource and political developments encouraged a renewed distinction between living and dead carbon and the emergence of a new carbohydrate economy. Copyright © 2006 Society of Chemical Industry [source] Economic systems of foraging, agricultural, and industrial societies , Pryor, Frederic L.THE JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, Issue 1 2006James G. Carrier [source] Postmaterialism in Unresponsive Political Systems: The Canadian Case,CANADIAN REVIEW OF SOCIOLOGY/REVUE CANADIENNE DE SOCIOLOGIE, Issue 3 2004ROBERT J. BRYM Nous examinons la thèse de Ronald Inglehart selon laquelle le postmatérialisme est un phénomène politique universel qui concerne toute société industrialisée avancée. Après avoir introduit une distinction entre systèmes politiques réactifs et non réactifs, nous proposons que, dans les systèmes réactifs, le clivage matérialiste s'est enracinéà un tel point qu'il triomphait encore du postmatérialisme. Par contre, le postmatérialisme a réussi à se démarquer dans les systèmes non réactifs, ceux où le clivage matérialiste avait toujours été plus faible. Nous soutenons que les données tirées des sondages nationaux tenus lors des élections canadiennes de 1984 et 1997 confirment notre hypothèse sur les effets des systèmes non réactifs. Bien que le Canada soit l'objet principal de notre analyse, dans la conclusion nous nous penchons sur des facteurs qui pourraient expliquer les différences dans le postmatérialisme aux niveaux provincial et international. This article disputes Inglehart's claim that postmaterialism is a uniform political phenomenon that transcends differences between advanced industrial societies. We distinguish responsive from unresponsive political systems and argue that, in responsive systems, the materialist cleavage became so deeply entrenched that postmaterialism could not vie for dominance. In contrast, postmaterialism has become more salient than materialism in unresponsive systems, where the materialist cleavage was weaker to begin with. We argue that data from the Canadian National Election Surveys of 1984 and 1997 are consistent with our prediction about the effect of unresponsiveness. Differences within the Canadian electorate became weaker for materialist issues but more pronounced for postmate-rialist issues between 1984 and 1997. Although our empirical analysis focusses on Canada, we conclude by speculating about the causes of cross-provincial and cross-national variations in postmaterialism. [source] The International Relations of the "Transition": Ernest Gellner's Social Philosophy and Political Sociology,INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 4 2007Roland Dannreuther Ernest Gellner's political sociology has been relatively neglected not only in international relations (IR) but also in sociology and social anthropology. This article provides an overview of Gellner's ambitious vision of our modern condition. Central to this vision is the salience of the "transition" from agrarian to industrial society, which Gellner believed had transformed and revolutionized not only our philosophical outlook but also our sociological and historical condition. This article argues that Gellner's work provides an intellectually rich, demanding, and fruitful model which has much relevance to IR. We illustrate this by showing how Gellner's sociological insights into the study of nationalism and Islamic fundamentalism continue to have a direct application to contemporary concerns within IR, as well as providing an illustration of how IR can benefit from a multidisciplinary engagement with the disciplines that Gellner most creatively borrowed from: sociology, anthropology, and philosophy. [source] The knowledge-intensive company and the economy of sharing: rethinking utility and knowledge managementKNOWLEDGE AND PROCESS MANAGEMENT: THE JOURNAL OF CORPORATE TRANSFORMATION, Issue 4 2002Alexander Styhre Knowledge-intensive organizations are based on their capability of making use of intangible, intellectual resources and assets. As opposed to preceding economic regimes, the post- industrial society is to a lesser extent dependent on production factors that are subject to scarcity. Instead, knowledge tends to grow rather than being consumed as it is shared with others. When examining the practices of knowledge-intensive companies, an ethics of sharing underlying to the use of all knowledge needs to be recognized. Rather than conceiving of knowledge as being an organizational resource that is derived from previous economic regimes, the analysis of knowledge needs to be grounded in a different perspective. This paper is an attempt to formulate such a perspective on knowledge-intensive organizations as being based on sharing rather than exploitation. The argument is supported by an empirical study of a pharmaceutical company wherein the distribution of knowledge across project teams, communities of practice and individuals was of key strategic interest. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Selling Scientific Taxation: The Treasury Department's Campaign for Tax Reform in the 1920sLAW & SOCIAL INQUIRY, Issue 4 2004M. Susan Murnane The received interpretation of the Mellon tax reforms in the 1920s describes a reactionary roll-back of the first, progressive, permanent income tax system in United States history. This essay revises that interpretation in important ways. The Treasury Department of Secretary Andrew W. Mellon proposed and passed tax reform legislation in the 1920s that radically reduced marginal tax rates on wealthy individuals from World War 1 highs. The Mellon plan was developed by attorneys from the previous Democratic administration. Working with the foremost tax professionals of the day and deeply committed to the principles of progressive income taxation, they intended the establishment of a permanent peacetime tax system for a modern industrial society. They called their taxplan scientific taxation. The Treasury Department policymakers anticipated determined opposition to their program and consciously embarked on an extensive public relations campaign to convince the general public that reducing taxes on wealthy people was good for them because it made the whole society richer and more dynamic. This essay tells the story of how the Mellon plan took shape, and of the public relations campaign waged to secure its enactment. This essay also suggests that the Treasury Department's campaign to sell scientific tax reform to the general public generated a dialogue that facilitated popular acceptance of modern industrial capitalism. [source] Materials for an exploratory theory of the network society1THE BRITISH JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2000Manuel Castells ABSTRACT This article aims at proposing some elements for a grounded theory of the network society. The network society is the social structure characteristic of the Information Age, as tentatively identified by empirical, cross-cultural investigation. It permeates most societies in the world, in various cultural and institutional manifestations, as the industrial society characterized the social structure of both capitalism and statism for most of the twentieth century. Social structures are organized around relationships of production/consumption, power, and experience, whose spatio-temporal configurations constitute cultures. They are enacted, reproduced, and ultimately transformed by social actors, rooted in the social structure, yet freely engaging in conflictive social practices, with unpredictable outcomes. A fundamental feature of social structure in the Information Age is its reliance on networks as the key feature of social morphology. While networks are old forms of social organization, they are now empowered by new information/communication technologies, so that they become able to cope at the same time with flexible decentralization, and with focused decision-making. The article examines the specific interaction between network morphology and relationships of production/consumption, power, experience, and culture, in the historical making of the emerging social structure at the turn of the Millennium. [source] Three centuries of fire in montane pine-oak stands on a temperate forest landscapeAPPLIED VEGETATION SCIENCE, Issue 1 2010Serena R. Aldrich Abstract Question: What was the role of fire in montane pine-oak (Pinus-Quercus) stands under changing human land uses on a temperate forest landscape in eastern North America? Location: Mill Mountain in the central Appalachian Mountains, Virginia, US. Methods: A dendroecological reconstruction of fire history was generated for four stands dominated by xerophytic pine and oak species. The fire chronology began under presettlement conditions following aboriginal depopulation. Subsequent land uses included European settlement, iron mining, logging, and US Forest Service acquisition and fire protection. Results: Fires occurred approximately every 5 years until 1930 without any evidence of a temporal trend in fire frequency. Burning ceased after 1930. Area-wide fires affecting multiple pine stands were common, occurring at intervals of approximately 16 years. Most living pines became established during the late 1800s and early 1900s. Dead pines indicated that an older cohort established ca. 1730. Most hardwoods were established between the 1920s and 1940s. Conclusions: Except for fire protection, changes in land use had no discernible influence on fire frequency. Lightning ignitions and/or large fire extent may have been important for maintaining frequent burning in the 1700s, while fuel recovery may have constrained fire frequency during later periods. The disturbance regime appears to be characterized by frequent surface fires and occasional severe fires, insect outbreaks or other disturbances followed by pine recruitment episodes. Industrial disturbances appear to have had little influence on the pine stands. The greatest impact of industrial society is fire exclusion, which permitted hardwood establishment. [source] | ||||||||||