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Imperialism
Kinds of Imperialism Selected AbstractsAGAINST METAETHICAL IMPERIALISM: Several Arguments for Equal Partnerships between the Deontic and AretaicJOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS ETHICS, Issue 3 2010Jesse Couenhoven ABSTRACT Virtue and deontological ethics are now commonly contrasted as rival approaches to moral inquiry. However, I argue that neither metaethical party should seek complete, solitary domination of the ethical domain. Reductive treatments of the right or the virtuous, as well as projects that abandon the former or latter, are bound to leave us with a sadly diminished map of the moral territories crucial to our lives. Thus, it is better for the two parties to seek a more cordial and equal relationship, one that permits metaethical pluralism, and acknowledges mutual dependence. I do not seek to prescribe how that relationship should look: this essay offers less a positive metaethical position than a prolegomenon to such a position, one that attempts to head off harmful attempts to reduce the territory of the aretaic to that of the deontic, or that of the deontic to the aretaic. [source] Stoicism, Cosmopolitanism, and the Legacy of European ImperialismCONSTELLATIONS: AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CRITICAL AND DEMOCRATIC THEORY, Issue 1 2000Anthony Pagden First page of article [source] The Burning of Sampati Kuer: Sati and the Politics of Imperialism, Nationalism and Revivalism in 1920s IndiaGENDER & HISTORY, Issue 2 2008Andrea Major Sati, the immolation of a Hindu widow on her husband's funeral pyre, is a rare, but highly controversial practice. It has inspired a surfeit of scholarly studies in the last twenty years, most of which concentrate on one of two main historical sati ,episodes': that of early-colonial Bengal, culminating with the British prohibition of 1829, and that of late twentieth-century Rajasthan, epitomised by the immolation of Roop Kanwar in 1987. Comparatively little detailed historical analysis exists on sati cases between these two events, however, a lacuna this paper seeks to address by exploring British and Indian discourses on sati as they existed in late-colonial India. The paper argues that sati remained a site of ideological and actual confrontation in the early twentieth century, with important implications for ongoing debates about Hindu religion, identity and nation. It focuses on the intersection between various colonial debates and contemporaneous Indian social and political concerns during the controversy surrounding the immolation of Sampati Kuer in Barh, Bihar, in 1927, emphasising resonances with postcolonial interpretations of sati and the dissonance of early nineteenth-century tropes when reproduced in the Patna High Court in 1928. Thus, while Kumkum Sangari and Sudesh Vaid have suggested that ,ad hoc' attempts to piece together a ,modern' narrative of widow immolation began in the 1950s, this paper will suggest that various contemporary discursive formations on sati can be observed in late-colonial India, when discussions of sati became entwined with Indian nationalism and Hindu identity politics and evoked the first organised female response to sati from an emergent women's movement that saw it as an ideological, as well as physical, violation of women. [source] The Athletic Crusade: Sport and American Cultural Imperialism By Gerald R. GemsHISTORY, Issue 312 2008FRANK COGLIANO No abstract is available for this article. [source] Flagships of Imperialism: The P&O Company and the Politics of Empire from its Origins to 1867 By Freda HarcourtHISTORY, Issue 310 2008ROGER MORRISS No abstract is available for this article. [source] Beyond Cultural Imperialism: Cultural Theory, Christian Missions, and Global ModernityHISTORY AND THEORY, Issue 3 2002Ryan Dunch "Cultural imperialism" has been an influential concept in the representation of the modern Christian missionary movement. This essay calls its usefulness into question and draws on recent work on the cultural dynamics of globalization to propose alternative ways of looking at the role of missions in modern history. The first section of the essay surveys the ways in which the term "cultural imperialism" has been employed in different disciplines, and some of the criticisms made of the term within those disciplines. The second section discusses the application of the cultural imperialism framework to the missionary enterprise, and the related term "colonization of consciousness" used by Jean and John Comaroff in their influential work on British missionaries and the Tswana of southern Africa. The third section looks at the historiography of missions in modern China, showing how deeply the teleological narratives of nationalism and development have marked that historiography. The concluding section argues that the missionary movement must be seen as one element in a globalizing modernity that has altered Western societies as well as non,Western ones in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and that a comparative global approach to the missionary movement can help to illuminate the process of modern cultural globalization. [source] Nabobs Revisited: A Cultural History of British Imperialism and the Indian Question in Late-Eighteenth-Century BritainHISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 4 2006Tillman W. Nechtman Studies of the late eighteenth-century British empire in India have long used the figure of the nabob to personify political debates collectively known as "the India question." These nabobs, employees of the East India Company, were (and continue to be) represented as rapacious villains. This article will revisit the history of nabobs to offer a cultural history of British imperialism in late eighteenth-century India. It will argue that nabobs were representative figures in the political debates surrounding imperialism in South Asia because they were hybrid figures who made Britain's empire more real to domestic British observers. It will argue that the nabobs' hybrid identity hinged on the collection of material artifacts they brought back to Britain from India. Nabobs stood at the boundary between nation and empire, and they suggested the frontier was permeable. They exposed the degree to which the projects of building a nation and an empire were mutually constitutive. [source] Richard Kluger's Simple Justice: Race, Class, and United States ImperialismHISTORY OF EDUCATION QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2004Gilbert G. Gonzalez First page of article [source] A Vision of an Anglican Imperialism: The Annual Sermons of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts 1701,1714JOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY, Issue 2 2006ROWAN STRONGArticle first published online: 24 MAY 200 This article examines the first two decades of the oldest continuing Anglican missionary society, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, founded in 1710. It argues that, contrary to the prevailing historiography of the British missionary movement, this early eighteenth-century society was genuinely evangelistic and marks the real beginning of that movement. The society also marks the beginning of a formal, institutional engagement by the Church of England with the British Empire. In the Society's annual anniversary sermons, and influenced by the reports sent by its ordained missionaries in North America, the Church of England's metropolitan leadership in England constructed an Anglican discourse of empire. In this discourse the Church of England began to fashion the identities of colonial populations of Indigenous peoples, white colonists, and Black slaves through a theological Enlightenment understanding. [source] The Trollopian Geopolitical AestheticLITERATURE COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 9 2010Lauren M. E. Goodlad Trollope's reputation as a formally dull post-1848 realist persists even though the period of his Palliser series (1864,1879) was characterized by intense political and imperial dynamism. While most of Trollope's novels during this period exemplify a historically engaged realism, The Eustace Diamonds is distinct for its rare meditation on empire in South Asia,a topic that Trollope seems purposely to have avoided. Trollope's fourth Palliser novel captures the vexed ethics of a so-called liberal imperialism through two classic characters,Lucy Morris and Lord Fawn,and their interactions with the Sawab of Mygawb, a "non-character"who marks the novel's geopolitical unconscious. But the novel's most formally distinct features revolve around representation of Lizzie Eustace, who figures Trollope's uneasiness over the New Imperial era's neo-feudal aesthetics. Trollope associated the New Imperialism with Benjamin Disraeli whose Jewish ethnicity he tied to a "conjuring" political agency that could master the theaters of mass democracy and imperial expansion. In The Eustace Diamonds, Lizzie becomes the embodiment of an actively performed New Imperial aesthetic. As a Disraeli-like schemer, she introduces a stylistic referentiality that is alien to Trollope's ,pellucid' linguistic ideal. Where Trollope's sociological and global capitalist novels offer nuanced aesthetic capture, Lizzie marks the representational limits of such realism. Like the Sawab, she is the sign of a Trollopian power to stretch form beyond the crude anti-realism of the racialized scapegoat. [source] Domesticating Imperialism: Sexual Politics and the Archaeology of EmpireAMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Issue 2 2008BARBARA L. VOSS ABSTRACT, The archaeology of empire is permeated by sexual narratives. This has been especially true of archaeological research on the Spanish Americas, where the material remains of colonial settlements have often been interpreted as products of a literal and figurative marriage between two cultures. However, investigating colonization as a consensual domestic arrangement has masked the ways in which imperial projects relied on the exercise of power, including sexual regulations and sexual coercion. Recent archaeological and ethnohistoric research at the Spanish-colonial military settlement of El Presidio de San Francisco affords a different perspective, one in which the public and institutional exercise of sexual control was central to the imperial project. [source] A Fate Worse Than Imperialism in AfricaNEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2000Wole Aoyinka No abstract is available for this article. [source] Imperialism, Reform and the Making of Englishness in Jane Eyre.THE HEYTHROP JOURNAL, Issue 1 2010By Sue Thomas No abstract is available for this article. [source] Reproducing Empire: Race, Sex, Science, and U.S. Imperialism in Puerto RicoTHE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN CULTURE, Issue 2 2004Eric A. Anderson No abstract is available for this article. [source] Words for Scholars: The Semantics of "Imperialism"THE JOURNAL OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Issue 3 2008Mark F. Proudman [source] Change and Continuity in German Landscapes of Fear and Imperialism after September 11th: "Nothing Remains" Equals; "More of the Same"?ANTIPODE, Issue 5 2002Bernd Belina First page of article [source] A Case of Mistaken Identity: "China Inc." and Its "Imperialism" in Sub-Saharan AfricaASIAN POLITICS AND POLICY, Issue 4 2009Ian Taylor The emergence of major Chinese economic and political stakes in Africa is arguably the most important process to have emerged on the African continent since the end of the Cold War. China is now Africa's second most important trading partner, behind the United States but ahead of France and the United Kingdom. Relations are a continuation of Sino-African historical ties, propelled by China's desire to obtain new sources of raw materials and energy for its ongoing economic growth and new export markets for China-based producers on the one hand, and African elites' initiatives to find a non-Western option/leverage on the other hand. However, various commentators have misunderstood the nature of this expansion. It is common for observers to talk of either Chinese "colonization" of Africa, or of "China Inc.'s" venture into Africa. Both views are wide of the mark and reflect an ignorance of the dynamics underpinning the developing relationships between Chinese and African actors. [source] Tradition, Treaties, and Trade: Qing Imperialism and Choson Korea, 1850,1910 , By Kirk W. LarsenAUSTRALIAN ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW, Issue 1 2010Niv Horesh No abstract is available for this article. [source] Imperialism from Below: Informal Empire and the Private Sector in Nineteenth-Century GermanyAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 3 2008Matt Fitzpatrick Far from being the product of atavistic feudal remnants within German society, nineteenth-century German imperialism stemmed from precisely the liberal milieu that had come to prominence during 1848-49. Through an analysis of imperialist texts dealing with Central and South America, and the social logic of these imperialist works, an understanding of the nature of private sector and civil society imperialistic projects emerges that sees liberal imperialists seeking out alternatives to statist solutions in the light of political blockages to their efforts. [source] The rise and quick fall of the theory of ancient economic imperialismECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW, Issue 4 2009SVIATOSLAV DMITRIEV The theory of ancient economic imperialism has declined for two reasons. The first is the absence of any reliable evidence that the politics of ancient states was dictated by economic considerations. Additionally, the usual focus on the Roman provincial system limits the understanding of ,economic imperialism' to that of a ,formal empire' and ignores other ancient societies. The second reason, which so far has been neglected, is the changing vision of modern imperialism. Once the modern colonial system fell, the understanding of imperialism returned to that of the precolonial period, which saw imperialism in political and military terms. [source] The Autocracy of Love and the Legitimacy of Empire: Intimacy, Power and Scandal in Nineteenth-Century MetlakahtlahGENDER & HISTORY, Issue 2 2004Adele Perry This paper examines the politics of intimacy, power, and scandal at Metlakahtlah, a Church of England mission village in northern British Columbia, Canada, from 1862 to 1885, in order to cast light on settler colonialism and its aftermath. It particularly examines Metlakahtlah's main missionary, William Duncan, his relationships with young female converts and missionary women, and, perhaps more importantly, the stories that were told about them. Stories of Duncan's relationships with young Tsimshian women that circulated throughout settler society reveal the central place of sexuality to both critiques and defences of imperialism, and cast new light on contemporary politics around the historical experience of Indigenous children in settler colonies like Australia and Canada. [source] EARLY INTELLECTUAL INFLUENCES ON D. W. MEINIG: A FORMER STUDENT'S FOND MEMORIES,GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW, Issue 3 2009BRUCE BIGELOW ABSTRACT. As an undergraduate and graduate student in the 1940s and a young professor at the University of Utah in the 1950s, D. W. Meinig was influenced by a number of scholars. They included six historians, three geographers, two anthropologists, and two philosophers. I identify the influence of the thirteen scholars on Meinig's major achievements: the culture area model, geography as an art, the historical imperative for geography, cultures and civilizations, and geopolitics and imperialism. [source] The difficulties of empire: present, past and future*HISTORICAL RESEARCH, Issue 205 2006Linda Colley Although empire is now an intensely fashionable subject of enquiry, much contemporary comment is relatively uninformed and lacks historical context. This is particularly significant in the light of the United States' purported new imperialism. This article considers the problems faced by those attempting to define empire, whether in the past or the present. It traces the origins of American imperialism to the beginnings of the republic and before, and compares it with the British experience, arguing in all cases for the importance of a wide-ranging and comparative approach to empire. Finally, it urges historians and political commentators to move beyond a concentration on dead European empires, to look as well at other and at present-day versions of the phenomenon, and to re-examine the overlap between nation and empire. [source] Shades of Orientalism: Paradoxes and Problems in Indian HistoriographyHISTORY AND THEORY, Issue 2 2003Peter Heehs In Orientalism, Edward Said attempts to show that all European discourse about the Orient is the same, and all European scholars of the Orient complicit in the aims of European imperialism. There may be "manifest" differences in discourse, but the underlying "latent" orientalism is "more or less constant." This does not do justice to the marked differences in approach, attitude, presentation, and conclusions found in the works of various orientalists. I distinguish six different styles of colonial and postcolonial discourse about India (heuristic categories, not essential types), and note the existence of numerous precolonial discourses. I then examine the multiple ways exponents of these styles interact with one another by focusing on the early-twentieth-century nationalist orientalist, Sri Aurobindo. Aurobindo's thought took form in a colonial framework and has been used in various ways by postcolonial writers. An anti-British nationalist, he was by no means complicit in British imperialism. Neither can it be said, as some Saidians do, that the nationalist style of orientalism was just an imitative indigenous reversal of European discourse, using terms like "Hinduism" that had been invented by Europeans. Five problems that Aurobindo dealt with are still of interest to historians: the significance of the Vedas, the date of the vedic texts, the Aryan invasion theory, the Aryan-Dravidian distinction, and the idea that spirituality is the essence of India. His views on these topics have been criticized by Leftist and Saidian orientalists, and appropriated by reactionary "Hindutva" writers. Such critics concentrate on that portion of Aurobindo's work which stands in opposition to or supports their own views. A more balanced approach to the nationalist orientalism of Aurobindo and others would take account of their religious and political assumptions, but view their project as an attempt to create an alternative language of discourse. Although in need of criticism in the light of modern scholarship, their work offers a way to recognize cultural particularity while keeping the channels of intercultural dialogue open. [source] Beyond Cultural Imperialism: Cultural Theory, Christian Missions, and Global ModernityHISTORY AND THEORY, Issue 3 2002Ryan Dunch "Cultural imperialism" has been an influential concept in the representation of the modern Christian missionary movement. This essay calls its usefulness into question and draws on recent work on the cultural dynamics of globalization to propose alternative ways of looking at the role of missions in modern history. The first section of the essay surveys the ways in which the term "cultural imperialism" has been employed in different disciplines, and some of the criticisms made of the term within those disciplines. The second section discusses the application of the cultural imperialism framework to the missionary enterprise, and the related term "colonization of consciousness" used by Jean and John Comaroff in their influential work on British missionaries and the Tswana of southern Africa. The third section looks at the historiography of missions in modern China, showing how deeply the teleological narratives of nationalism and development have marked that historiography. The concluding section argues that the missionary movement must be seen as one element in a globalizing modernity that has altered Western societies as well as non,Western ones in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and that a comparative global approach to the missionary movement can help to illuminate the process of modern cultural globalization. [source] Networks of Empire: Linkage and Reciprocity in Nineteenth-Century Irish and Indian HistoryHISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 3 2009Barry Crosbie Recent debates surrounding Ireland's historical relationship with the British empire have focused almost exclusively upon its constitutional and political ties with Britain. The question of Ireland's colonial status continues to be heavily debated in Irish historiography and has been a contributing factor in obscuring our wider understanding of the complexity of Ireland's involvement in empire. For over 200 years, Ireland and India were joined together by an intricate series of networks that were borne out of direct Irish involvement in British imperialism overseas. Whether as migrants, soldiers, administrators, doctors, missionaries or educators, the Irish played an important role in administering, governing and populating vast areas of Britain's eastern empire. This article discusses new approaches to the study of Ireland's imperial past that allow us to move beyond the old ,coloniser-colonised' debate, to address the key issue of whether Ireland or the varieties of Irishness of its imperial servants and settlers made a specific difference to the experience of empire. By highlighting the multiplicity of Irish connections within the context of the nineteenth-century British empire in India, this article describes how imperial networks were used by contemporaries (settlers, migrants and indigenous agents) as mechanisms for the exchange of a whole set of ideas, practices and goods between Ireland and India during the colonial era. [source] Nabobs Revisited: A Cultural History of British Imperialism and the Indian Question in Late-Eighteenth-Century BritainHISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 4 2006Tillman W. Nechtman Studies of the late eighteenth-century British empire in India have long used the figure of the nabob to personify political debates collectively known as "the India question." These nabobs, employees of the East India Company, were (and continue to be) represented as rapacious villains. This article will revisit the history of nabobs to offer a cultural history of British imperialism in late eighteenth-century India. It will argue that nabobs were representative figures in the political debates surrounding imperialism in South Asia because they were hybrid figures who made Britain's empire more real to domestic British observers. It will argue that the nabobs' hybrid identity hinged on the collection of material artifacts they brought back to Britain from India. Nabobs stood at the boundary between nation and empire, and they suggested the frontier was permeable. They exposed the degree to which the projects of building a nation and an empire were mutually constitutive. [source] Non-Economic Factors in Economic Geography and in ,New Regionalism': A Sympathetic CritiqueINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2006COSTIS HADJIMICHALIS In the current debate on local and regional development and after several ,turns', dominant critical models have found some security in institutional, cultural and evolutionary approaches. Interest today centres on success and competitiveness and how they are reproduced in a few paradigmatic regions. A distinctive feature of these regions and places is the embeddedness of certain non-economic factors such as social capital, trust and reciprocity based on familiarity, face-to-face exchange, cooperation, embedded routines, habits and norms, local conventions of communication and interaction, all of which contribute to a region's particular success. Although these approaches may not deny the forces of the capitalist space economy, they do not explicitly acknowledge them or take them on board and so they tend to discuss non-economic factors and institutions as autonomous forces shaping development. This essay provides a critique of these concepts based on their (1) inadequate theorization, (2) depoliticized view of politics and de-economized use of economics and (3) reduction of space to territory. The essay concludes that we need a far more penetrating renewal of radical critique of the current space economy of capitalism. Old concepts such as uneven development, the social and spatial division of labour, the geographical transfer of value, accumulation and imperialism must be combined with cultural and institutional issues, with those non-economic factors mentioned above. [source] Unclaimed Colonies: Anglo-Greek Identities Through the Prism of the Dilessi/Marathon Murders (1870)JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 2 2002Rodanthi Tzanelli This paper examines the Anglo-Greek dialogue on Greek and British European identities following the Dilessi/Marathon Murders, a case of kidnapping and murder of three upper class Britons by Greek brigands, which became the European cause célèbre of the 1870s. It focuses on British and Greek narratives of brigandage and uses them to provide some insight into the ways both sides conceptualised modernity. The uses of the Greek, Irish and Scottish past and present in this dialogue formed a discourse in which history, imperialism and romanticism were woven altogether. This paper argues that these intertwined ideas and processes were complicit in the formation of modern British and Greek national identities. [source] Framing Greater France Between The WarsJOURNAL OF HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 2 2001Gary Wilder This essay analyzes the relationship between France as an imperial nation-state and the discourse of Greater France that intensified during the interwar period. I am interested in the way that the figure of Greater France sought to stage and reconcile , not justify, rationalize, or mystify , structural contradictions between republican and imperial systems of government. I argue that there is an intrinsic relationship between colonial discourse and its corresponding political form. By posing questions about the status we assign to colonial ideology through the analysis of a series of influential colonial texts, this essay pays special attention to the dissociation of nationality and citizenship that characterized a political form composed of a metropolitan parliamentary government articulated with a colonial administrative regime. I hope to reframe the familiar discussion of the proliferating representations of empire that circulated in metropolitan France after World War One. The figure of la plus grande France that developed then allows us to interrogate the French imperial nation-state at a doubly paradoxical historical conjuncture characterized by the consolidation of both the republic and the empire, on the one hand, and by unprecedented crises of the republic and colonial legitimacy, on the other. Interwar imperialism produced qualitative and evaluative distinctions between different French colonies but I will focus on the more general conceptions of the empire as such that circulated through the discourse of Greater France. [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||