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Terms modified by Hunger Selected AbstractsRISING FOOD PRICES, SOCIAL MOBILIZATIONS, AND VIOLENCE: CONCEPTUAL ISSUES IN UNDERSTANDING AND RESPONDING TO THE CONNECTIONS LINKING HUNGER AND CONFLICTANNALS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL PRACTICE, Issue 1 2009Ellen Messer In 2008, the world confronted food-insecurity situations that provoked political demonstrations in more than 50 countries. The alleged sources were production failures and spiking food prices because of bad weather and flawed food and development policies. But additional contributors were the legacies of food wars, armed conflicts in which one or both sides use food (or hunger) as a weapon and in which hunger persists as a consequence of conflict and its attendant social-economic disruptions. This article argues that UN and NGO international and national agencies responding to food insecurity challenges in particular places must consider food-and-conflict scenarios, and adopt conflict-concerned strategies, which are sensitive to the ways in which past foodwars have stymied increases in agricultural production, marketing, and livelihood diversification. Policy makers should also be attentive to political-geographic-ethnic-religious (PGER) divisions that can skew government distributions and access to aid and potentiate additional conflict. [source] ASKING THE RIGHT QUESTIONS: COMMUNITY-BASED STRATEGIES TO COMBAT HUNGERANNALS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL PRACTICE, Issue 1 2009Miriam S. Chaiken Anthropologists have long recognized the value of community participation in development planning and project implementation, and this paper discusses a new strategy to engage communities to monitor conditions of food insecurity and vulnerability, and to develop strategies for mitigation against shocks. Community based early warning programs (CEWS) complement existing hunger early warning systems that rely on satellite and agroclimatic data by collecting and monitoring data in rural communities. These strategies build on existing community awareness of local conditions, provide support for locally identified mitigation activities, and foster community participation. Examples from programs in Mozambique illustrate the potential of the CEWS strategies for effecting sustainable change and combating chronic food insecurity and vulnerability. [source] FOOD INSECURITY IN BUHAYA: THE CYCLE OF WOMEN'S MARGINALIZATION AND THE SPREAD OF POVERTY, HUNGER, AND DISEASEANNALS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL PRACTICE, Issue 1 2009Valerie Githinji This chapter focuses on how the marginalization of Bahaya women increases poverty, thus exacerbating issues of hunger and related disease in a region characterized by a history of environmental degradation, agricultural change and decline, rural poverty and disease. In the past several decades, diminishing sizes of banana farms, an overall decline in cattle, decreasing soil fertility, and an increase in food crop pathogens have posed challenges to achieving adequate agricultural yields in Buhaya of northwestern Tanzania. This situation has resulted in an increase in poverty, food insecurity, nutrition insecurity, and related disease. Culturally, women are the primary agriculturalists and producers and providers of food in Buhaya. However, Bahaya cultural practices hinder women from achieving equal representation in society, thus blocking their access to self advancement and resources such as money, land, education, and agricultural inputs. These constraints marginalize and hinder women from fulfilling their social role as primary farmers and provisioners of food, nutrition, and care. As patriarchal practices and ecological challenges work to constrain women's roles, poverty, food scarcity, and disease increase, affecting and weakening the foundation of Bahaya society and culture. [source] Poverty, AIDS and Hunger: Breaking the Poverty Trap in Malawi edited by Anne C. ConroyDEVELOPMENT AND CHANGE, Issue 3 2008Jan Kees Van Donge No abstract is available for this article. [source] Starter Packs: A Strategy to Fight Hunger in Developing Countries?DEVELOPMENT AND CHANGE, Issue 3 20082003 edited by Sarah Levy, Lessons from the Malawi Experience 199 No abstract is available for this article. [source] Neurophysiology of hunger and satietyDEVELOPMENTAL DISABILITIES RESEARCH REVIEW, Issue 2 2008Pauline M. Smith Abstract Hunger is defined as a strong desire or need for food while satiety is the condition of being full or gratified. The maintenance of energy homeostasis requires a balance between energy intake and energy expenditure. The regulation of food intake is a complex behavior. It requires discrete nuclei within the central nervous system (CNS) to detect signals from the periphery regarding metabolic status, process and integrate this information in a coordinated manner and to provide appropriate responses to ensure that the individual does not enter a state of positive or negative energy balance. This review of hunger and satiety will examine the CNS circuitries involved in the control of energy homeostasis as well as signals from the periphery, both hormonal and neural, that convey pertinent information regarding short-term and long-term energy status of the individual. © 2008 Wiley-Liss, Inc. Dev Disabil Res Rev 2008;14:96,104. [source] Aid to Agriculture, Growth and Poverty ReductionEUROCHOICES, Issue 1 2006Peter Hazell Agriculture and rural growth promotion show a recent ,comeback' in development cooperation, but action on the ground so far is not sufficient. After years of neglect, policy makers have recognized that poverty reduction in many low income countries can only be achieved if development efforts are clearly focused on the sector which employs most of the poor, and the space where most of the poor live. The importance of agricultural growth was amply demonstrated during the economic transformation of Asia. Forty years ago, Asia was a continent of widespread poverty. Today, most Asian countries are experiencing significant growth and poverty reduction. Rapid growth in productivity in the small-farm sector helped drive this process. Sub-Saharan Africa, however, failed to achieve rapid agricultural growth and remains mired in poverty and hunger. If Africa is to halve poverty by 2015 in accordance with the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), agriculture will need to maintain an annual growth rate of 6 per cent between 2000 and 2015. China's experience from 1978 to 1984 shows such growth is possible. Achieving the desired rapid rates of growth in Africa will require coherent policies by governments and donors, a substantial investment of public resources in rural infrastructure and access to agricultural technology, and significant improvement in national governance. Dans les milieux de la coopération et de l'aide au développement, même si les actions sur le terrain sont encore insuffisantes, on assiste depuis peu au retour en scène de l'agriculture et du monde rural. Après s'en être désintéressés pendant des années, les décideurs politiques finissent par admettre que, dans beaucoup de pays a faible revenu, il ne sera pas possible de réduire la pauvreté sans focaliser les efforts de développement sur les secteurs qui emploient le plus de pauvres et les zones dans lesquelles ils vivent pour la plupart. Les transformations économiques de l'Asie montrent bien l'importance de la croissance agricole. Il y a quarante ans, l'Asie étaient le continent de la pauvreté généralisée. Aujourd'hui, la plupart des pays d'Asie connaissent une croissance très significative et la pauvreté s'y réduit. L'augmentation de la productivité dans le secteur des petites exploitations a contribuéà la mise en ,uvre de ce processus. L'Afrique sub-saharienne, au contraire, n'a pas réussi à développer une croissance agricole rapide, ce qui la fait s'embourber dans la faim et la pauvreté. Si l'Afrique doit réduire de moitié la pauvreté d'ici 2015 comme l'y invitent les objectifs millénaires du développement (MDG), il faudra y maintenir un taux de croissance annuel de 6% pour l'agriculture entre 2000 et 2015. L'expérience de la Chine entre 1978 et 1984 montre que c'est possible. Mais pour obtenir en Afrique le taux de croissance élevé qui est souhaité, il faudra de la cohérence dans les politiques entre les gouvernements et des donneurs, un investissement public substantiel dans les infrastructures rurales et les moyens d'accès aux techniques modernes, enfin, des modes de gestion publique significativement améliorés Die Förderung der Landwirtschaft und des Wachstums im ländlichen Raum erfreut sich seit kurzem erneuter Beliebtheit in der Entwicklungszusammenar beit; die bisher ergriffenen Maßnahmen sind jedoch noch nicht ausreichend. Nachdem dieses Thema jahrelang vernachlässigt wurde, haben die Politikakteure festgestellt, dass die Armutsbekämpfung in zahlreichen Ländern mit geringem Einkommen nur dann erfolgreich durchgeführt werden kann, wenn die Bemühungen zur Entwicklung deutlich auf den Sektor ausgerichtet werden, in welchem die meisten Armen beschäftigt sind, und auf die Räume, in welchen die meisten Armen leben. Bei der wirtschaftlichen Transformation in Asien wurde sehr deutlich, wie wichtig das landwirtschaftliche Wachstum ist. Vor 40 Jahren war Armut in Asien weit verbreitet. Heute zeichnen die meisten asiatischen Länder durch signifikantes Wachstum und durch Armutsverringerung aus. Ein schneller Anstieg der Produktivität bei den kleineren landwirtschaftlichen Betrieben half dabei, diese Entwicklung voran zu treiben. In den afrikanischen Ländern unterhalb der Sahara (Sub-Sahara-Afrika) konnte schnelles landwirtschaftliches Wachstum jedoch nicht erreicht werden, dort dominieren weiterhin Armut und Hunger. Wenn Afrika gemäß der Millenniumsentwicklungsziele (Millennium Development Goals, MDG) die Armut bis zum Jahr 2015 halbieren soll, muss die Landwirtschaft eine jährliche Wachstumsrate von sechs Prozent zwischen den Jahren 2000 und 2015 aufrecht erhalten. Die Erfahrungen aus China aus den Jahren 1978 bis 1984 belegen, dass ein solches Wachstum möglich ist. Damit die gewünschten hohen Wachstumsraten in Afrika erzielt werden können, sind kohärente Politikmaßnahmen seitens der Regierungen und der Geldgeber, erhebliche Investitionen von öffentlichen Ressourcen in die ländliche Infrastruktur und in den Zugang zur Agrartechnologie sowie eine signifikante Verbesserung der nationalen Governance erforderlich. [source] Sublime Hunger: A Consideration of Eating Disorders Beyond BeautyHYPATIA, Issue 4 2003Sheila Lintott In this paper, I argue that one of the most intense ways women are encouraged to enjoy sublime experiences is via attempts to control their bodies through excessive dieting. If this is so, then the societal-cultural contributions to the problem of eating disorders exceed the perpetuation of a certain beauty ideal to include the almost universal encouragement women receive to diet, coupled with the relative shortage of opportunities women are afforded to experience the sublime. [source] Hunger: The Silent Epidemic Among Asylum Seekers and Resettled RefugeesINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 1 2008Linda Piwowarczyk Refugees and asylum seekers face challenges after arriving in a host country. They carry the trauma that they may have experienced in their countries of origin, during fight, and in countries of asylum. Other stressors impact on their adjustment after arriving in the United States including basic needs such as food, clothing, and shelter. This is a retrospective review of data collected as part of a needs assessment by a program, which serves survivors of torture and refugee trauma. Asylum seekers (n=65) and refugees were compared (n=30). Asylum seekers were more apt to be from Africa (p<.001), need family reunification (p=.027), speak more languages (p<.001), suffer from political persecution (p<.001), move from place to place due to not having a permanent place to live (p=.031), and be unable to contribute to the rent (p<.001). Unadjusted, asylum seekers were also more likely than refugees to have gone to bed hungry in the previous two weeks (p<.001) or since arriving in the United States (p<.001). Refugees were more likely to be eating more food now than before feeing, and asylum seekers the opposite (p<.001). Being an asylum seeker made one 3.7 times more likely to suffer from food insecurity than being a refugee, and 5.3 times more likely to not have work authorization. Among asylum seekers, adjusting for gender, age, education, lack of permanent housing, English fluency, and self-reported health status, not having work authorization made one 5.6 times more likely to suffer from hunger. Independently, being a torture survivor made one 10.4 times more likely to suffer from hunger. Asylum seekers must wait 150 days before applying for asylum in the United States. For humanitarian reasons, mandatory-waiting periods for work authorization for asylum seekers should be eliminated. Les réfugiés et les demandeurs d'asile se heurtent à différentes diffcultés à leur arrivée dans le pays d'accueil. Ils sont porteurs des traumatismes qu'ils peuvent avoir vécus dans leur pays d'origine, durant leur déplacement ou dans des pays d'asile. D'autres facteurs de stress compliquent encore leur acclimatation sur le territoire des Etats-Unis, parmi lesquels la satisfaction de besoins fondamentaux tels que le gîte, le couvert et l'habillement. La présente étude constitue un examen rétrospectif des données recueillies dans le cadre d'une évaluation des besoins, pour un programme destinéà aider des personnes ayant subi la torture et des réfugiés victimes de traumatismes. Elle établit ainsi une comparaison entre les demandeurs d'asile et les réfugiés. Les demandeurs d'asile sont le plus souvent originaires d'Afrique, en attente de regroupement familial, s'expriment dans plus d'une seule langue, se disent victimes de persécutions politiques, semblent avoir du mal à fixer leur résidence en un point précis et ne pas être en mesure de contribuer au paiement d'un loyer. S'ils n'ont pas encore accompli leur adaptation, ils sont en outre plus susceptibles que les réfugiés de s'être couché le ventre vide au cours des deux semaines précédentes ou depuis leur arrivée aux Etats-Unis. Pour leur part, les réfugiés sont plus susceptibles de manger davantage qu'avant leur départ, au contraire des demandeurs d'asile. Le fait d'être demandeur d'asile signife être 3,7 fois plus exposé qu'un réfugié au risque d'insécurité alimentaire, et 5,3 fois plus à celui de ne pas obtenir une autorisation de travail. Parmi les demandeurs d'asile qui rencontrent des diffcultés d'adaptation liées au sexe, à l'âge, au niveau d'éducation, à l'absence de logement durable, à l'incapacité de communiquer facilement en anglais et à un état de santé défaillant, la non-obtention d'une autorisation de travail fait courir un risque de souffrir de la faim 5,6 fois supérieur. Indépendamment de ce qui précède, une personne ayant subi des actes de torture est 10,4 fois plus susceptible de souffrir de la faim. Aux Etats-Unis, les demandeurs d'asile doivent attendre 150 jours avant de pouvoir déposer une demande d'asile. Pour des raisons humanitaires, les périodes d'attente obligatoire de permis de travail devraient être supprimées pour les demandeurs d'asile. Los refugiados y solicitantes de asilo tienen que hacer frente a toda una serie de retos cuando llegan a un país de acogida. Traen consigo el trauma que han experimentado en sus países de origen, en su huída y en los países de asilo. Otros factores de estrés repercuten en su adaptación tras la llegada en los Estados Unidos, a saber, en necesidades tan elementales como los alimentos, la ropa y el albergue. Este recuento retrospectivo de los datos acopiados forma parte de una evaluación de necesidades de un programa que sirve a los sobrevivientes a torturas y a refugiados traumatizados. En este estudio se compararon solicitantes de asilo (n= 65) con refugiados (n= 30). Los solicitantes de asilo provenían mayormente de África (p<.001), venían por razones de reunifcación familiar (p=.027), fueron objeto de persecución (p<.001), se desplazaron de un lugar a otro sin tener un lugar permanente de residencia (p=.031), y no podían pagar un alquiler (p<.001). Los solicitantes de asilo inadaptados eran mayormente refugiados que habían pasado hambre durante los últimos quince días (p<.001) o desde que llegaron a los Estados Unidos (p<.001). Se observó que los refugiados comían más alimentos que antes de huir, mientras que el fenómeno inverso se produjo con los solicitantes de asilo (p<.001). El solicitante de asilo tenía 3,7 veces más probabilidades de sufrir de inseguridad alimenticia que el refugiado, y tenía 5,3 veces más probabilidades de no contar con un permiso de trabajo. Los solicitantes de asilo, clasifcados por sexo, edad, educación, falta de vivienda permanente, conocimientos de inglés y situación sanitaria autosufciente, que no contaban con autorización de trabajo eran 5,6 veces más propensos a sufrir de la hambruna. Independientemente, el ser un sobreviviente a la tortura hacía que se fuera 10,4 veces más propenso a sufrir de la hambruna. Los solicitantes de asilo tienen que aguardar por lo menos 150 días antes de solicitar el asilo en los Estados Unidos. Por razones humanitarias, convendría suprimir estos periodos de espera obligatorios para que los solicitantes de asilo obtengan permisos de trabajo. [source] East Africa,Drought: Escalating HungerAFRICA RESEARCH BULLETIN: ECONOMIC, FINANCIAL AND TECHNICAL SERIES, Issue 9 2009Article first published online: 2 NOV 200 No abstract is available for this article. [source] Hunger, light level and body size affect refuge use by post-settlement lingcod Ophiodon elongatusJOURNAL OF FISH BIOLOGY, Issue 4 2006M. E. Petrie Using experimental methods, body size, nutritional state (hunger) and light level were investigated as possible determinants of the extent to which juvenile lingcod Ophiodon elongatus used structural refuges. In the laboratory, older, larger individuals (134,162 mm total length, LT) exhibited a higher propensity for structure use than did smaller juvenile fish (78,103 mm LT). In fish of both body sizes, increasing hunger levels caused fish to emerge more readily from refuges than satiated individuals, with this effect most prominent for smaller fish. Diel patterns of ambient illumination were simulated in the laboratory, and refuge use by large individuals decreased significantly in response to lower nocturnal light levels, a pattern that was not observed in the smaller size class. These results indicate an ontogenetic shift in refuge use. During the summer, as post-settlement fish grew larger, they tended to increase affinity for structurally complex habitat, and also showed divergent patterns of behaviour in relation to hunger and light level. [source] Starter Packs: a Strategy to Fight Hunger in Developing Countries?JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL STATISTICAL SOCIETY: SERIES A (STATISTICS IN SOCIETY), Issue 4 2007Emma Reed No abstract is available for this article. [source] Mortality and World HungerMETAPHILOSOPHY, Issue 1-2 2001Rüdiger Bittner Why does world hunger hold an inferior place on the contemporary moral agenda? Proposed answer: because it is a political, not a moral problem. It is not a moral problem, because morality needs two conditions fulfilled: that those be in some way close to the agent unto whom that agent is doing something that is to be morally assessed; and that the relevant good or bad states or events can be clearly credited to some particular agent or agents. Neither condition is fulfilled in the case of world hunger. This explains morality's failure to come to grips with it. Yet, while lacking morality's endorsement, the abolition of world hunger may still be a political goal. [source] The Year of the Rat ends,time to fight hunger!PEST MANAGEMENT SCIENCE (FORMERLY: PESTICIDE SCIENCE), Issue 4 2009Bastiaan G Meerburg Abstract This paper investigates the importance of ecologically based rodent management in the light of the current food crisis, and the potential effects of this approach on the position of the undernourished. Hunger and food prices are on the rise owing to shortages that can be traced to reasons such as climatic extremes, use of crops for biofuels, reduced growth in yields which lag behind population growth, reduced world stocks and lack of sufficient investment in maintaining the irrigation infrastructure. For the undernourished this is problematic as they are most vulnerable to the rise in food prices. Very often, agricultural experts focus on an increase in agricultural production to reduce food prices. It is postulated in this article that almost 280 million undernourished could additionally benefit if more attention were paid to reducing pre- and post-harvest losses by rodents. Moreover, rodent-borne diseases would decrease, diseases that can be catastrophic to the livelihoods of the poorest of the poor. Copyright © 2009 Society of Chemical Industry [source] Truman and MacArthur: Policy, Politics, and the Hunger for Honor and Renown , By Michael D. PearlmanPRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2010Michael Doidge No abstract is available for this article. [source] Hunger for the Wild: America's Obsession with the Untamed West , By Michael L. JohnsonTHE HISTORIAN, Issue 1 2009W. Paul Reeve No abstract is available for this article. [source] A Hunger for Home: Homesickness and Food in a Global Consumer SocietyTHE JOURNAL OF AMERICAN CULTURE, Issue 1 2007Susan J. Matt First page of article [source] Neurophysiology of hunger and satietyDEVELOPMENTAL DISABILITIES RESEARCH REVIEW, Issue 2 2008Pauline M. Smith Abstract Hunger is defined as a strong desire or need for food while satiety is the condition of being full or gratified. The maintenance of energy homeostasis requires a balance between energy intake and energy expenditure. The regulation of food intake is a complex behavior. It requires discrete nuclei within the central nervous system (CNS) to detect signals from the periphery regarding metabolic status, process and integrate this information in a coordinated manner and to provide appropriate responses to ensure that the individual does not enter a state of positive or negative energy balance. This review of hunger and satiety will examine the CNS circuitries involved in the control of energy homeostasis as well as signals from the periphery, both hormonal and neural, that convey pertinent information regarding short-term and long-term energy status of the individual. © 2008 Wiley-Liss, Inc. Dev Disabil Res Rev 2008;14:96,104. [source] Ontogeny of urine preference and its relationship to NH4Cl preference and sodium hunger in suckling rat pupsDEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOBIOLOGY, Issue 2 2005Micah Leshem Abstract We chart the postnatal ontogeny of urine preference in the suckling rat. Twelve-day-old sucklings, when offered urine, NH4Cl, or NaCl, ingest more urine and NH4Cl than NaCl. When rendered sodium hungry by ivc renin or by sodium depletion, these sucklings prefer urine and NH4Cl to NaCl, dilute urine, or an NaCl and KCl mineral mix equimolar to urine; however, by 18 days of age, urine and NH4Cl are no longer preferred to NaCl. Hence, urine preference in the suckling may be specific and preparatory for the variety of purposes urine preference serves in the adult rat, and it might guide the pup to urinary sodium in the nest. Since preference for urine and NH4Cl covary during postnatal development, the high preference for NH4Cl in midterm sucklings might be because its ammonium flavor is similar to urine. © 2005 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Dev Psychobiol 46: 111,117, 2005. [source] Short-term nocturnal hypoglycaemia increases morning food intake in healthy humansDIABETIC MEDICINE, Issue 2 2008S. M. Schmid Abstract Aims Hypoglycaemia during wakefulness increases hunger and food intake. Patients with Type 1 diabetes mellitus are at high risk of recurrent hypoglycaemia and weight gain. Given the background of frequent hypoglycaemic episodes during night-time sleep in diabetic patients, we investigated morning food intake after nocturnal hypoglycaemia. Methods We tested 16 healthy normal-weight subjects (eight women) on three nights. A linear fall in plasma glucose to a nadir of 2.2 mmol/l within 60 min was induced by insulin infusion immediately after sleep onset (,early hypo') or after about 3.5 h of sleep (,late hypo'). On a control night, no hypoglycaemia was induced. Spontaneous food intake at a breakfast buffet was registered on the subsequent morning. Results Compared with the control condition (700 ± 93 kcal), subjects ate more after ,late hypo' (867 ± 108 kcal; P = 0.041), but not after ,early hypo' (852 ± 111 kcal; P = 0.130). Analyses of macronutrient fractions revealed that in comparison with the control condition, subjects ate significantly more carbohydrates after both ,late hypo' (277 ± 25 kcal vs. 206 ± 23 kcal, P < 0.001) and ,early hypo' (245 ± 23 kcal, P = 0.048), with this effect being more pronounced after late than early nocturnal hypoglycaemia (P = 0.026). Conclusions In healthy subjects, nocturnal hypoglycaemia during sleep stimulates spontaneous food intake the following morning, with carbohydrate intake being especially affected. Effects were more pronounced after ,late hypo', suggesting the influence of temporal dynamics. Although healthy non-diabetic subjects were studied, similar mechanisms may contribute to the frequently observed body weight gain in insulin-treated diabetic patients. [source] Aid to Agriculture, Growth and Poverty ReductionEUROCHOICES, Issue 1 2006Peter Hazell Agriculture and rural growth promotion show a recent ,comeback' in development cooperation, but action on the ground so far is not sufficient. After years of neglect, policy makers have recognized that poverty reduction in many low income countries can only be achieved if development efforts are clearly focused on the sector which employs most of the poor, and the space where most of the poor live. The importance of agricultural growth was amply demonstrated during the economic transformation of Asia. Forty years ago, Asia was a continent of widespread poverty. Today, most Asian countries are experiencing significant growth and poverty reduction. Rapid growth in productivity in the small-farm sector helped drive this process. Sub-Saharan Africa, however, failed to achieve rapid agricultural growth and remains mired in poverty and hunger. If Africa is to halve poverty by 2015 in accordance with the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), agriculture will need to maintain an annual growth rate of 6 per cent between 2000 and 2015. China's experience from 1978 to 1984 shows such growth is possible. Achieving the desired rapid rates of growth in Africa will require coherent policies by governments and donors, a substantial investment of public resources in rural infrastructure and access to agricultural technology, and significant improvement in national governance. Dans les milieux de la coopération et de l'aide au développement, même si les actions sur le terrain sont encore insuffisantes, on assiste depuis peu au retour en scène de l'agriculture et du monde rural. Après s'en être désintéressés pendant des années, les décideurs politiques finissent par admettre que, dans beaucoup de pays a faible revenu, il ne sera pas possible de réduire la pauvreté sans focaliser les efforts de développement sur les secteurs qui emploient le plus de pauvres et les zones dans lesquelles ils vivent pour la plupart. Les transformations économiques de l'Asie montrent bien l'importance de la croissance agricole. Il y a quarante ans, l'Asie étaient le continent de la pauvreté généralisée. Aujourd'hui, la plupart des pays d'Asie connaissent une croissance très significative et la pauvreté s'y réduit. L'augmentation de la productivité dans le secteur des petites exploitations a contribuéà la mise en ,uvre de ce processus. L'Afrique sub-saharienne, au contraire, n'a pas réussi à développer une croissance agricole rapide, ce qui la fait s'embourber dans la faim et la pauvreté. Si l'Afrique doit réduire de moitié la pauvreté d'ici 2015 comme l'y invitent les objectifs millénaires du développement (MDG), il faudra y maintenir un taux de croissance annuel de 6% pour l'agriculture entre 2000 et 2015. L'expérience de la Chine entre 1978 et 1984 montre que c'est possible. Mais pour obtenir en Afrique le taux de croissance élevé qui est souhaité, il faudra de la cohérence dans les politiques entre les gouvernements et des donneurs, un investissement public substantiel dans les infrastructures rurales et les moyens d'accès aux techniques modernes, enfin, des modes de gestion publique significativement améliorés Die Förderung der Landwirtschaft und des Wachstums im ländlichen Raum erfreut sich seit kurzem erneuter Beliebtheit in der Entwicklungszusammenar beit; die bisher ergriffenen Maßnahmen sind jedoch noch nicht ausreichend. Nachdem dieses Thema jahrelang vernachlässigt wurde, haben die Politikakteure festgestellt, dass die Armutsbekämpfung in zahlreichen Ländern mit geringem Einkommen nur dann erfolgreich durchgeführt werden kann, wenn die Bemühungen zur Entwicklung deutlich auf den Sektor ausgerichtet werden, in welchem die meisten Armen beschäftigt sind, und auf die Räume, in welchen die meisten Armen leben. Bei der wirtschaftlichen Transformation in Asien wurde sehr deutlich, wie wichtig das landwirtschaftliche Wachstum ist. Vor 40 Jahren war Armut in Asien weit verbreitet. Heute zeichnen die meisten asiatischen Länder durch signifikantes Wachstum und durch Armutsverringerung aus. Ein schneller Anstieg der Produktivität bei den kleineren landwirtschaftlichen Betrieben half dabei, diese Entwicklung voran zu treiben. In den afrikanischen Ländern unterhalb der Sahara (Sub-Sahara-Afrika) konnte schnelles landwirtschaftliches Wachstum jedoch nicht erreicht werden, dort dominieren weiterhin Armut und Hunger. Wenn Afrika gemäß der Millenniumsentwicklungsziele (Millennium Development Goals, MDG) die Armut bis zum Jahr 2015 halbieren soll, muss die Landwirtschaft eine jährliche Wachstumsrate von sechs Prozent zwischen den Jahren 2000 und 2015 aufrecht erhalten. Die Erfahrungen aus China aus den Jahren 1978 bis 1984 belegen, dass ein solches Wachstum möglich ist. Damit die gewünschten hohen Wachstumsraten in Afrika erzielt werden können, sind kohärente Politikmaßnahmen seitens der Regierungen und der Geldgeber, erhebliche Investitionen von öffentlichen Ressourcen in die ländliche Infrastruktur und in den Zugang zur Agrartechnologie sowie eine signifikante Verbesserung der nationalen Governance erforderlich. [source] Caloric restriction for longevity: II,The systematic neglect of behavioural and psychological outcomes in animal researchEUROPEAN EATING DISORDERS REVIEW, Issue 6 2004Kelly M. Vitousek Abstract Research on caloric restriction for longevity (CRL) has generated hundreds of articles on the physiology of food deprivation, yet almost no data on consequences in other domains. The first paper in this series outlined the generally positive physical effects of CRL; the second analyses the meagre and sometimes disturbing record of research on behaviour, cognition and affect. The available evidence suggests that nutrient-dense CRL in animals,just like nutrient-poor semi-starvation in people,is associated with a number of adverse effects. Changes include abnormal food-related behaviour, heightened aggression and diminished sexual activity. Studies of learning and memory in underfed rodents yield inconsistent findings; no information is available on cognitive effects in primates. To date, the CRL field has ignored other variables that are crucial to the human case and known to be disrupted by chronic hunger, including sociability, curiosity and emotionality. Promotion of CRL for people is irresponsible in the absence of more reassuring data on the full range of expected outcomes. Eating disorder specialists should be contributing to scientific and public discussions of this increasingly prominent paradigm. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and Eating Disorders Association. [source] Literature on eating disorders during 40 Years: increasing number of papers, emergence of bulimia nervosa,EUROPEAN EATING DISORDERS REVIEW, Issue 6 2002Sten S. Theander Abstract The growth of the literature on eating disorders during four decades is described, especially the development of literature on bulimia. The study is based on a database, ED40, that contains more than 14,000 references to articles on ED from 1960 to 1999. The references were imported from Medline® and PsycINFO®. A broad search method included articles on the physiology of hunger and satiety. The main data of the analysis are the total number of references per year, and the percentage of references per year that contain certain words or phrases. Over the 40 years an almost 27-fold increase has occurred in the number of references in ED40, while the increase in Medline is about 4-fold. A study of the relative increase shows a recent stagnation of the growth in the ED literature. The clinical emergence of bulimia nervosa and some epidemiological findings are discussed in relation to the increase of literature on bulimia. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and Eating Disorders Association. [source] Growth hormone and changes in energy balance in growth hormone deficient adultsEUROPEAN JOURNAL OF CLINICAL INVESTIGATION, Issue 9 2008D. Deepak ABSTRACT Background, Adults with growth hormone deficiency (AGHD) have an adverse body composition with an increased prevalence of obesity. It is not known whether growth hormone replacement (GHR) results in alterations in energy intake (EI) and/or energy expenditure (EE). The aim of the study was to investigate the effects of GHR on EI and EE. Materials and methods, Nineteen hypopituitary adults (14 males, 5 females, mean age 46·2 years) with severe GHD (peak GH response to glucagon , 9 mU L,1) were studied. All patients self-injected recombinant human GH starting with 0·3 mg s.c. daily. The following were measured before and following 6 months of stable maintenance of GHR: food intake during a test meal, appetite ratings, resting EE (indirect calorimetry) and voluntary physical activity (accelerometry). Results, GHR nearly doubled voluntary physical activity (mean activity units 3319 vs. 1881, P = 0·007) and improved quality of life score (mean score 9·1 vs. 16·5, P < 0·0001). Subjects reported higher fasting hunger ratings (mean 64·8 vs. 49·6, P = 0·02) but ad libitum energy intake remained unchanged. Eating behavioural traits were favourably altered with lower disinhibition (mean 6·0 vs. 7·2, P = 0·02) and lower susceptibility to hunger ratings (4·6 vs. 6·8, P = 0·001) after GHR. Additionally, GHR did not result in significant changes in resting EE, body weight and body mass index. Conclusions, GHR in AGHD significantly improves voluntary physical activity and quality of life. Following GHR, subjects experience greater ,state' (physiological) hunger, reductions in eating disinhibition and hunger susceptibility, but no effects on calorie intake or macronutrient choice were detected. [source] Hash browns for breakfast, baked potatoes for dinner: Changes in food attitudes as a function of motivation and contextEUROPEAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 2 2005Shelley N. Aikman Two studies investigated whether participants' motivational state and the context in which attitude reports are made influence food attitudes. Specifically, these studies examined whether hunger and the time-typicality of foods (i.e. match or mismatch between the time when a food is typically eaten and the time the attitude is reported) interact to influence reported attitudes. Study 1 suggests that hunger leads to more positive attitudes toward foods that are typically eaten at the time the attitude report is made (e.g. breakfast foods in morning) compared to foods not typically eaten at the time the attitude report is made (e.g. breakfast foods in evening). Study 2 replicates this time-typical effect of hunger and suggests that time-typical experience rather than general experience with foods is important for hunger induced attitude change. By demonstrating that food attitudes are influenced by motivational states and the match between when the attitude is reported and when it is typically encountered, the present studies extend previous attitude theory and research that has identified other contextual factors that influence attitude reports. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] On the different nature of top-down and bottom-up effects in pelagic food websFRESHWATER BIOLOGY, Issue 12 2002Z. Maciej Gliwicz SUMMARY 1.,Each individual planktonic plant or animal is exposed to the hazards of starvation and risk of predation, and each planktonic population is under the control of resource limitation from the bottom up (growth and reproduction) and by predation from the top down (mortality). While the bottom-up and top-down impacts are traditionally conceived as compatible with each other, field population-density data on two coexisting Daphnia species suggest that the nature of the two impacts is different. Rates of change, such as the rate of individual body growth, rate of reproduction, and each species' population growth rate, are controlled from the bottom up. State variables, such as biomass, individual body size and population density, are controlled from the top down and are fixed at a specific level regardless of the rate at which they are produced. 2.,According to the theory of functional responses, carnivorous and herbivorous predators react to prey density rather than to the rate at which prey are produced or reproduced. The predator's feeding rate (and thus the magnitude of its effect on prey density) should hence be regarded as a functional response to increasing resource concentration. 3.,The disparity between the bottom-up and top-down effects is also apparent in individual decision making, where a choice must be made between accepting the hazards of hunger and the risks of predation (lost calories versus loss of life). 4.,As long as top-down forces are effective, the disparity with bottom-up effects seems evident. In the absence of predation, however, all efforts of an individual become subordinate to the competition for resources. Biomass becomes limited from the bottom up as soon as the density of a superior competitor has increased to the carrying capacity of a given habitat. Such a shift in the importance of bottom-up control can be seen in zooplankton in habitats from which fish have been excluded. [source] Mother, Child, Race, Nation: The Visual Iconography of Rescue and the Politics of Transnational and Transracial AdoptionGENDER & HISTORY, Issue 2 2003Laura Briggs ,Third World' poverty and hunger conjures up certain conventionalised images: thin children, with or without their mothers. This paper explores the genealogy of such images in the mid-twentieth century, and shows how they mobilise ideologies of ,rescue' while pointing away from structural (political, military and economic) explanations for poverty, famine and other disasters. These images had a counterpart in practices of transnational and transracial adoption, which became the subject of debate in the USA during the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s, and were at least as much about symbolic debates over race as the fate of particular children. Together, these visual and familial practices made US foreign and domestic poverty policy intelligible as a debate over whether to save women and children. When they cast the USA as rescuer, they made it all but impossible to understand what US political, military or economic power had to do with creating the problem. [source] Restraint, hunger, and disinhibition following treatment for binge-eating disorderINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF EATING DISORDERS, Issue 6 2009Kristina A. Downe MS Abstract Objective: To examine changes in total, flexible and rigid restraint, hunger, and disinhibition in obese individuals with Binge-Eating Disorder (BED), and assess whether these variables are associated with binge abstinence at post-treatment and during two-year follow-up. Method: A total of 116 obese individuals with BED were randomized to a 20-week treatment trial plus two-year follow-up. Using the Eating Inventory (EI), we assessed these factors at pretreatment, post-treatment, and follow-up time-points and examined their relationship to binge abstinence at post-treatment, 12- and 24-month follow-up. Results: Low disinhibition and high-total restraint are associated with post-treatment binge abstinence. There are no significant relationships between post-treatment EI variables and binge abstinence at 12- and 24-month follow-up. Discussion: Reducing disinhibition as well as increasing EI dietary restraint during BED treatment may be important for short-term success. © 2009 by Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Int J Eat Disord 2009 [source] Perception of hunger to insulin-induced hypoglycemia in anorexia nervosaINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF EATING DISORDERS, Issue 3 2001Yoshikatsu Nakai Abstract Objective We studied the effect of insulin-induced hypoglycemia on changes of hunger ratings in anorectic patients before and after cognitive-behavioral therapy. Method The subjects were 17 females with restricting anorexia nervosa at low body weight (AN-R), 6 anorectic patients whose weight was restored after cognitive-behavioral therapy (AN-T), and 11 age-matched female controls. All subjects gave hunger ratings by linear visual analog technique before and after insulin or saline injection. Results Hunger ratings increased significantly 45 min after insulin injection in control females. However, ratings paradoxically decreased after insulin injection in AN-R females. They increased slightly after insulin injection in AN-T females, but the difference was not statistically significant. One-factor analysis of variance for the peak values of hunger ratings was significant. These values in control females were significantly higher than those in AN-R and AN-T females. Discussion These results suggest that perception of hunger to insulin-induced hypoglycemia in AN patients is disturbed. © 2001 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Int J Eat Disord 29: 354,357, 2001. [source] Hunger: The Silent Epidemic Among Asylum Seekers and Resettled RefugeesINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 1 2008Linda Piwowarczyk Refugees and asylum seekers face challenges after arriving in a host country. They carry the trauma that they may have experienced in their countries of origin, during fight, and in countries of asylum. Other stressors impact on their adjustment after arriving in the United States including basic needs such as food, clothing, and shelter. This is a retrospective review of data collected as part of a needs assessment by a program, which serves survivors of torture and refugee trauma. Asylum seekers (n=65) and refugees were compared (n=30). Asylum seekers were more apt to be from Africa (p<.001), need family reunification (p=.027), speak more languages (p<.001), suffer from political persecution (p<.001), move from place to place due to not having a permanent place to live (p=.031), and be unable to contribute to the rent (p<.001). Unadjusted, asylum seekers were also more likely than refugees to have gone to bed hungry in the previous two weeks (p<.001) or since arriving in the United States (p<.001). Refugees were more likely to be eating more food now than before feeing, and asylum seekers the opposite (p<.001). Being an asylum seeker made one 3.7 times more likely to suffer from food insecurity than being a refugee, and 5.3 times more likely to not have work authorization. Among asylum seekers, adjusting for gender, age, education, lack of permanent housing, English fluency, and self-reported health status, not having work authorization made one 5.6 times more likely to suffer from hunger. Independently, being a torture survivor made one 10.4 times more likely to suffer from hunger. Asylum seekers must wait 150 days before applying for asylum in the United States. For humanitarian reasons, mandatory-waiting periods for work authorization for asylum seekers should be eliminated. Les réfugiés et les demandeurs d'asile se heurtent à différentes diffcultés à leur arrivée dans le pays d'accueil. Ils sont porteurs des traumatismes qu'ils peuvent avoir vécus dans leur pays d'origine, durant leur déplacement ou dans des pays d'asile. D'autres facteurs de stress compliquent encore leur acclimatation sur le territoire des Etats-Unis, parmi lesquels la satisfaction de besoins fondamentaux tels que le gîte, le couvert et l'habillement. La présente étude constitue un examen rétrospectif des données recueillies dans le cadre d'une évaluation des besoins, pour un programme destinéà aider des personnes ayant subi la torture et des réfugiés victimes de traumatismes. Elle établit ainsi une comparaison entre les demandeurs d'asile et les réfugiés. Les demandeurs d'asile sont le plus souvent originaires d'Afrique, en attente de regroupement familial, s'expriment dans plus d'une seule langue, se disent victimes de persécutions politiques, semblent avoir du mal à fixer leur résidence en un point précis et ne pas être en mesure de contribuer au paiement d'un loyer. S'ils n'ont pas encore accompli leur adaptation, ils sont en outre plus susceptibles que les réfugiés de s'être couché le ventre vide au cours des deux semaines précédentes ou depuis leur arrivée aux Etats-Unis. Pour leur part, les réfugiés sont plus susceptibles de manger davantage qu'avant leur départ, au contraire des demandeurs d'asile. Le fait d'être demandeur d'asile signife être 3,7 fois plus exposé qu'un réfugié au risque d'insécurité alimentaire, et 5,3 fois plus à celui de ne pas obtenir une autorisation de travail. Parmi les demandeurs d'asile qui rencontrent des diffcultés d'adaptation liées au sexe, à l'âge, au niveau d'éducation, à l'absence de logement durable, à l'incapacité de communiquer facilement en anglais et à un état de santé défaillant, la non-obtention d'une autorisation de travail fait courir un risque de souffrir de la faim 5,6 fois supérieur. Indépendamment de ce qui précède, une personne ayant subi des actes de torture est 10,4 fois plus susceptible de souffrir de la faim. Aux Etats-Unis, les demandeurs d'asile doivent attendre 150 jours avant de pouvoir déposer une demande d'asile. Pour des raisons humanitaires, les périodes d'attente obligatoire de permis de travail devraient être supprimées pour les demandeurs d'asile. Los refugiados y solicitantes de asilo tienen que hacer frente a toda una serie de retos cuando llegan a un país de acogida. Traen consigo el trauma que han experimentado en sus países de origen, en su huída y en los países de asilo. Otros factores de estrés repercuten en su adaptación tras la llegada en los Estados Unidos, a saber, en necesidades tan elementales como los alimentos, la ropa y el albergue. Este recuento retrospectivo de los datos acopiados forma parte de una evaluación de necesidades de un programa que sirve a los sobrevivientes a torturas y a refugiados traumatizados. En este estudio se compararon solicitantes de asilo (n= 65) con refugiados (n= 30). Los solicitantes de asilo provenían mayormente de África (p<.001), venían por razones de reunifcación familiar (p=.027), fueron objeto de persecución (p<.001), se desplazaron de un lugar a otro sin tener un lugar permanente de residencia (p=.031), y no podían pagar un alquiler (p<.001). Los solicitantes de asilo inadaptados eran mayormente refugiados que habían pasado hambre durante los últimos quince días (p<.001) o desde que llegaron a los Estados Unidos (p<.001). Se observó que los refugiados comían más alimentos que antes de huir, mientras que el fenómeno inverso se produjo con los solicitantes de asilo (p<.001). El solicitante de asilo tenía 3,7 veces más probabilidades de sufrir de inseguridad alimenticia que el refugiado, y tenía 5,3 veces más probabilidades de no contar con un permiso de trabajo. Los solicitantes de asilo, clasifcados por sexo, edad, educación, falta de vivienda permanente, conocimientos de inglés y situación sanitaria autosufciente, que no contaban con autorización de trabajo eran 5,6 veces más propensos a sufrir de la hambruna. Independientemente, el ser un sobreviviente a la tortura hacía que se fuera 10,4 veces más propenso a sufrir de la hambruna. Los solicitantes de asilo tienen que aguardar por lo menos 150 días antes de solicitar el asilo en los Estados Unidos. Por razones humanitarias, convendría suprimir estos periodos de espera obligatorios para que los solicitantes de asilo obtengan permisos de trabajo. [source] |