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American Politics (american + politics)
Selected AbstractsClergy in American Politics: An IntroductionJOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION, Issue 4 2003Corwin Smidt First page of article [source] The Impact of American Politics on Perceptions of Women's Golfing AbilitiesAMERICAN JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY, Issue 2 2009Michelle M. Arthur We examine the relationship between political environments and perceptions of women's physical abilities. Using a sample of 496 golf courses located in the United States, we find a significant relationship between state political affiliations, ratings of senators and congressional representatives on a liberal to conservative continuum, and perceptions of gendered physical abilities. Institutional theory is presented as an explanation for the regional variation in perceptions of women's golfing abilities. Implications and results are discussed. Suggestions for further research are presented. [source] Four Hats in the Ring: The 1912 Election and the Birth of Modern American Politics , By Lewis L. GouldTHE HISTORIAN, Issue 2 2010Thomas McInerney No abstract is available for this article. [source] Watching the US Election from Abroad: Normative Theory and the Publics of American PoliticsANTIPODE, Issue 2 2010Sarah Starkweather First page of article [source] Book reviews Comptes rendusCANADIAN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION/ADMINISTRATION PUBLIQUE DU CANADA, Issue 4 2004Article first published online: 9 JAN 200 Dream No Little Dreams: A Biography of the Douglas Government of Saskatchewan, 1944,1961. IPAC Series in Public Management and Governance By a.w. johnson, with the assistance of Rosemary Proctor. Federalism in the Forest: National Versus State Natural Resource Policy. American Governance & Public Policy Series By tomas m. koontz. Washington, D.C.: Georgetozorr University Press. Beyond Service: State Workers, Public Policy, and the Prospects for Democratic Administration. IPAC Series in Public Management and Governance By greg mcelligott. Toronto: University of Toronto Press The Regulators: Anonymous Power Brokers in American Politics By cindy skrzycki. New York and Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. [source] The American national interest and global public goodsINTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, Issue 2 2002Joseph S. Nye Jr Since the end of the Cold War, Americans have been divided over how to be involved with the rest of the world. In the wake of the 11 September terrorist attacks, the debate between those who favour a unilateral foreign policy and those who advocate a multilateral approach has been brought to the fore in American politics and the media. In this article, Joseph Nye proposes a conception of the American national interest grounded in multilateralism. He argues that, although the United States remains the world's leading power, it cannot act alone to solve global problems such as transnational terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and global warming. Although the United States is the only country in a position to take the lead in protecting ,global public goods', such as an open international economic system and international stability, it will maintain its current predominance only if it works to establish international consensus on issues of global importance. [source] Still crazy after all these years: "the paranoid style in American politics"INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF APPLIED PSYCHOANALYTIC STUDIES, Issue 2 2006Victor Wolfenstein Abstract In the US, the 9/11 attacks resulted in the instantaneous crystallization of a paranoid group formation, functioning as defense , not against the real dangers of the situation , but rather against an underlying, identity-shattering state of psychotic panic. This regressed collective emotional state was exploited by the Bush regime to initiate the war in Iraq, a war that plays out internationally the Ur-Fascistic tendencies that late capitalistic systems have difficulty containing. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Invitations for Partisan Identification: Attempts to Court Latino Voters Through Televised Latino-Oriented Political Advertisements, 1984,2000JOURNAL OF COMMUNICATION, Issue 1 2004Stacey L. Connaughton By the year 2050, Latinos will represent the dominant ethnic minority in the United States, and researchers are just beginning to examine the campaign messages targeted to this voting bloc. This article employs identification theory to understand the rhetorical approaches used in campaign advertisements designed for these voters. Through a content analysis of campaign spots targeted to Latinos over four presidential elections (1984, 1988, 1996, 2000), we find that the invitations for party identification sent to this group tend to be positive, focus on the Latino (not the candidate), and depict Latinos as an emergent force in American politics. In trying to foster identification from this desirable voting population, it appears that campaign forces encourage Latinos to view themselves, and politics, as valuable and consequential,a marked alternative to most advertising strategies at the close of the 20th century. [source] The Legitimacy of the U.S. Supreme Court in a Polarized PolityJOURNAL OF EMPIRICAL LEGAL STUDIES, Issue 3 2007James L. Gibson Conventional political science wisdom holds that contemporary American politics is characterized by deep and profound partisan and ideological divisions. Unanswered is the question of whether those divisions have spilled over into threats to the legitimacy of American political institutions, such as the U.S. Supreme Court. Since the Court is often intimately involved in making policy in many issue areas that divide Americans,including the contested 2000 presidential election,it is reasonable to hypothesize that loyalty toward the institution depends on policy and/or ideological agreement and partisanship. Using data stretching from 1987 through 2005, the analysis reveals that Court support among the American people has not declined, nor is it connected to partisan and ideological identifications. Instead, support is embedded within a larger set of relatively stable democratic values. Institutional legitimacy may not be obdurate, but it does not seem to be caught up in the divisiveness that characterizes so much of American politics,at least not at present. [source] "The World's Against Me As A Black Man": Charles Mingus and Segregated AmericaJOURNAL OF HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2000Desmond King This paper examines how the artistic output of Charles Mingus was influenced by the question of race in U.S. politics. Employing material from the liner notes of Mingus's albums, his autobiography, and interviews for his oral history, I argue that issues of race and their political manifestation were forced upon Mingus by the circumstances of American politics. Mingus's experience as an African American vehemently opposed to segregated race relations and alert, throughout his life, to racism, is part of his compositional presence. [source] Factors affecting the next generation of women leaders: Mapping the challenges, antecedents, and consequences of effective leadershipJOURNAL OF LEADERSHIP STUDIES, Issue 2 2009Rene P. McEldowney This article introduces a conceptual model for understanding how young women perceive the current challenges of leadership. Numerous studies and articles claim that women are better educated, more experienced, and better suited for leadership positions than ever before. This news is encouraging, but the number of women in leadership roles in American politics gained less than one percentage point this year, hovering around 22%, while in the private sector many organizations have yet to place a single woman on their board. The proportion of women on corporate boards is 16%, with no evidence that this is likely to grow in the near future. What is even more discouraging is that these low numbers are not significantly higher than those in many developing nations. It is evident that women are underrepresented in top leadership positions and must intensely challenge the status quo. This article presents results of a study based on in-depth interviews with college women who are seeking paths to leadership. The researchers employ qualitative analytical research tools to explore the complexities of the phenomena. The findings bring a greater understanding of the antecedents and consequences that lie beneath the challenges affecting the next generation of women leaders. [source] "A More Perfect Union": Ableman v. Booth and the Culmination of Federal SovereigntyJOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY, Issue 2 2003Michael J. C. Taylor The discourse over federal versus state jurisdiction was ingrained into American politics at the nation's inception. It has been the premise of our most historically significant rivalries,between Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton, Andrew Jackson and Henry Clay, and Daniel Webster and Robert Hayne. Though this debate remains a contentious topic in contemporary political discourse, the U.S. Supreme Court settled the legal controversy on the eve of America's bloodiest conflagration. Unanimously, the Court ruled that the federal union was of greater importance than the authority of the individual states. The 1859 Ableman v. Booth1 decision was wrought from moral controversy, legal precedent, and political necessity, coupled with the full force of law, and has endured as a compelling pronouncement on the need for continuity and stability in uncertain times. [source] A Modern Paradigm for Campaign Finance: Economic Markets and Lessons from HistoryPOLITICS & POLICY, Issue 5 2008Seth Werfel Campaign finance is a perennially contentious issue in American politics, with increased significance in the upcoming presidential election. Historically, legislation has attempted to balance the corrupting effects of money in politics with the Constitutional right to free speech. This article argues for a modern paradigm of market-based reform that relaxes controls on the supply of money and aims to limit the demand for private contributions. Specifically, this model introduces affordable government vouchers and secret donation booths, adapted to further expand consumer choice and increase incentives for political participation. Ultimately, applying principles of the market to campaign finance reform will enhance political efficacy and strengthen American democracy. [source] Presidential Leadership: Skill in ContextPOLITICS & POLICY, Issue 2 2002Erwin C. Hargrove The essay illustrates the value of studying individual presidents consecutively across time in order to compare and assess the relative importance of personal political skill in political and historical contexts. The presidency is the primary source of moral agency in American politics, and policy and agency occur in the leadership of individuals. An analytic framework to compare presidents encompasses the historical context; the skill factor; leadership strategies and tactics; and the assessment of results of skill in contexts. Use of the framework will permit systematic comparison of presidents in relation to the ad hoc ahistorical comparisons that permeate journalism and some scholarship. Narratives of leadership in domestic, economic, and foreign policy are presented for presidents Carter, Reagan, Bush, and Clinton. This approach achieves an understanding of presidential leadership that cannot be achieved by work that bemoans the small N and focuses on pieces of the presidential institution, without including the president, because the dynamics of leadership shape the institution more than the reverse. Among the conclusions are that skill and context reinforce each other in policy achievement; skill can be effective at the margins, even in unfavorable contexts; ineptness makes a difference for the worse; and cumulative presidents may resolve policy problems across time as each contributes a step on the way. [source] Jimmy Carter: The Re-emergence of Faith-Based Politics and the Abortion Rights IssuePRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2005ANDREW R. FLINT This article will extend the current re-evaluation of the Carter presidency through a detailed examination of the enduring impact of his evangelical Christian faith upon modern American political discourse. Carter successfully reawakened faith-based politics but, because his faith did not exactly mirror the religious and political agenda of the disparate groups that make up the religious conservative movement within the United States, that newly awakened force within American politics ultimately used its power to replace him with Ronald Reagan, a president who more carefully articulated their agenda. As this article will show, the key issue that marked the intrusion of highly contentious religious-cultural issues into the political debate was abortion. This issue was emblematic of both the engagement of religious conservatives in political life in this period and of the limitations of Carter as their authentic political agent. [source] The Politics of Court Budgeting in the States: Is Judicial Independence Threatened by the Budgetary Process?PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REVIEW, Issue 4 2003James W. Douglas Judicial independence in American politics has been hailed as a means of preserving individual liberty and minority rights against the actions of the majoritarian branches of government. Recently, however, legal professionals and scholars of the courts have begun to question the magnitude of judicial independence, suggesting that budgeting and finance issues pose a threat to judicial independence. This article explores whether state judiciaries are being threatened on this front by soliciting the perceptions of key state officials. Using surveys of court administrators, executive budget officers, and legislative budget officers in the states, we examine three aspects of the politics of judicial budgeting: competing for scarce resources, interbranch competition, and pressure to raise revenues. The survey responses suggest that, in a substantial number of states, judicial independence has, at times, been threatened by interbranch competition and pressures to raise revenues. [source] Divided government and US federal rulemakingREGULATION & GOVERNANCE, Issue 2 2009Jason Webb Yackee Abstract Despite paying a great deal of attention to the effects of divided government on legislative outputs, scholars of American politics have surprisingly ignored the potential impact of divided government on bureaucratic regulatory outputs. In this article we argue that divided government should reduce the volume of federal agency rulemaking. We test this hypothesis against a data set covering 21,000 rules from 1983 to 2005. Our study is one of the first to analyze the determinants of federal bureaucratic rulemaking activity across such a long period of time. Our results demonstrate that during periods of divided government, agencies issue fewer rules and fewer substantively significant rules than they do during periods of unified government. These findings suggest that divided government impedes agency rulemaking. [source] What to Do about Missing Values in Time-Series Cross-Section DataAMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 2 2010James Honaker Applications of modern methods for analyzing data with missing values, based primarily on multiple imputation, have in the last half-decade become common in American politics and political behavior. Scholars in this subset of political science have thus increasingly avoided the biases and inefficiencies caused by ad hoc methods like listwise deletion and best guess imputation. However, researchers in much of comparative politics and international relations, and others with similar data, have been unable to do the same because the best available imputation methods work poorly with the time-series cross-section data structures common in these fields. We attempt to rectify this situation with three related developments. First, we build a multiple imputation model that allows smooth time trends, shifts across cross-sectional units, and correlations over time and space, resulting in far more accurate imputations. Second, we enable analysts to incorporate knowledge from area studies experts via priors on individual missing cell values, rather than on difficult-to-interpret model parameters. Third, because these tasks could not be accomplished within existing imputation algorithms, in that they cannot handle as many variables as needed even in the simpler cross-sectional data for which they were designed, we also develop a new algorithm that substantially expands the range of computationally feasible data types and sizes for which multiple imputation can be used. These developments also make it possible to implement the methods introduced here in freely available open source software that is considerably more reliable than existing algorithms. [source] The Dynamics of Partisan Conflict on Congressional ApprovalAMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 3 2009Mark D. Ramirez Partisan divisions in American politics have been increasing since the 1970s following a period where scholars thought parties were in decline. This polarization is observed most frequently within the debates and deliberation across issues within Congress. Given that most studies of public opinion place the behavior of elites at the center of public attitudes, surprisingly little research examines the effect of partisan conflict on the mass public. This research examines quarterly congressional approval data from 1974 to 2000 to determine the consequences, if any, of party conflict on the dynamics of congressional approval. The findings indicate that over-time changes in partisan conflict within Congress have a direct and lasting effect on how citizens think about Congress. [source] Collective Bargaining and The Performance of the Public SchoolsAMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 1 2009Terry M. Moe Students of American politics rarely study public sector unions and their impacts on government. The literature sees bureaucratic power as rooted in expertise, but largely ignores the fact that bureaucrats often join unions to promote their own interests, and that the power of their unions may affect government and its performance. This article focuses on the public schools, which are among the most numerous government agencies in the country, and investigates whether collective bargaining by teachers,the key bureaucrats,affects the schools' capacity to educate children. Using California data, analysis shows that, in large school districts, restrictive labor contracts have a very negative impact on academic achievement, particularly for minority students. The evidence suggests, then, that public sector unions do indeed have important consequences for American public education. Whether they are consequential in other areas of government remains to be seen, but it is an avenue well worth pursuing. [source] | |||||||||||||