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High School Dropout (high + school_dropout)
Selected AbstractsSubstance Use and Psychosocial Predictors of High School Dropout in Cape Town, South AfricaJOURNAL OF RESEARCH ON ADOLESCENCE, Issue 1 2010Alan J. Flisher The aims of this study were to examine whether use of tobacco, alcohol, and illicit drugs predicts dropout among secondary school students in Cape Town, South Africa. A self-report instrument was administered to 1,470 Grade 8 students. The proportion of students that dropped out of school between the onset of the study and 4 years later was 54.9%. After adjusting for a range of confounders, dropout was significantly predicted by absenteeism, poverty (as assessed by a possession index), and past month cigarette use, but not by past month alcohol use and lifetime illicit drug use. Contrary to findings from developed countries, alcohol and illicit drug use did not predict dropout. It is possible that predictors of dropout documented elsewhere may not be pertinent in developing countries. [source] When Predictions Fail: The Case of Unexpected Pathways Toward High School DropoutJOURNAL OF SOCIAL ISSUES, Issue 1 2008Linda S. Pagani This study examines childhood variables that tend to deflect life-course trajectories away from finishing high school. We examined unexpectedly graduating in the presence of three empirical risk factors (having a mother that did not finish high school, being from a single-parent family in early childhood, and having repeated a grade in primary school) and unexpectedly not graduating in the absence these same factors (low risk). The comparison groups comprised individuals who expectedly did not graduate (first case) and expectedly graduated (second case). We found that having experienced all three factors practically guaranteed not finishing high school, thus defining a crystal clear target group for policy. Without screening, intervention, and follow-up, individuals facing such cumulative risk are most unlikely to graduate. We also found a group of males and females that did not finish high school despite not having these three risk factors. These missed estimates become nontrivial once they are translated into a population-level statistic of lost human capital investments. Specific family and individual factors helped explain the unexpected life course toward not finishing high school, especially for low-risk males and females. Our results suggest policies that support childhood screening for attention-related difficulties and helping parents better understand supervision during adolescence. [source] Do Higher Real Minimum Wages Lead to More High School Dropouts?AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY, Issue 2 2009Evidence from Maryland Across Races We explore whether higher levels of the real minimum wage have differing effects on high school dropout rates across students of various races and ethnicities (whites, African Americans, Hispanics, and Asians). Using a panel of data across Maryland counties and annual observations in 1993,2004, we found higher real minimum wages to be associated with higher dropout rates for Hispanic students, but not for other races and ethnicities. We used a variety of model specifications and explanatory variables, including real income, the unemployment rate, teen pregnancy rates, and educational attainment among adults. Several of our findings are broadly consistent with commonly reported sociological observations regarding how behavioral choices may be affected by different levels across races and ethnicities of cultural integration of recent immigrants, family cohesiveness, the value placed on education, small business ownership, and hourly (vs. salaried) employment. [source] Adolescent Behavioral, Affective, and Cognitive Engagement in School: Relationship to DropoutJOURNAL OF SCHOOL HEALTH, Issue 9 2009Isabelle Archambault PhD ABSTRACT BACKGROUND: High school dropout represents an important public health issue. This study assessed the 3 distinct dimensions of student engagement in high school and examined the relationships between the nature and course of such experiences and later dropout. METHODS: We administered questionnaires to 13,330 students (44.7% boys) from 69 high schools in the province of Quebec (Canada). During 3 consecutive high school years, students reported their behavioral, emotional, and cognitive engagement to school. Information on later dropout status was obtained through official records. RESULTS: Although many adolescents remained highly engaged in high school, one third reported changes, especially decreases in rule compliance, interest in school, and willingness to learn. Students reporting low engagement or important decrements in behavioral investment from the beginning of high school presented higher risks of later dropout. CONCLUSION: School-based interventions should address the multiple facets of high school experiences to help adolescents successfully complete their basic schooling. Creating a positive social-emotional learning environment promises better adolescent achievement and, in turn, will contribute to a healthier lifestyle. [source] Summer learning and its implications: Insights from the Beginning School StudyNEW DIRECTIONS FOR YOUTH DEVELOPMENT, Issue 114 2007Karl L. Alexander There is perhaps no more pressing issue in school policy today than the achievement gap across social lines. Achievement differences between well-to-do children and poor children and between disadvantaged racial and ethnic minorities and majority whites are large when children first begin school, and they increase over time. Despite years of study and an abundance of good intentions, these patterned achievement differences persist, but who is responsible, and how are schools implicated? The increasing gap seems to suggest that schools are unable to equalize educational opportunity or, worse still, that they actively handicap disadvantaged children. But a seasonal perspective on learning yields a rather different impression. Comparing achievement gains separately over the school year and the summer months reveals that much of the achievement gap originates over the summer period, when children are not in school. The authors review Beginning School Study research on differential summer learning across social lines (that is, by family socioeconomic level) and its implications for later schooling outcomes, including high school curriculum placements, high school dropout, and college attendance. These studies document the extent to which these large summer learning differences impede the later educational progress of children of low socioeconomic status. Practical implications are discussed, including the need for early and sustained interventions to prevent the achievement gap from opening wide in the first place and for high-quality summer programming focused on preventing differential summer learning loss. [source] | ||||||||||