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Great War (great + war)
Selected AbstractsThe fall of the English gentleman: the national character in decline, c.1918,1970HISTORICAL RESEARCH, Issue 187 2002Marcus Collins The figure of the gentleman and his allied qualities of amateurism, sportsmanship and self-control dominated public discussions of Englishness in the half century after the Great War. From 1918 to the mid nineteen-fifties, gentlemanliness enjoyed strong, although by no means unanimous, support among commentators on national character. Subsequently, however, the reputation of the gentleman suffered irreparable damage at the hands of a post-war generation seeking scapegoats for the country's perceived economic, geopolitical and moral decline. This article seeks to explain when and why gentlemanliness lost its reputation as the exemplar of Englishness, and the consequent effects on national culture and identity. [source] Actualism and the Fascist Historic ImaginaryHISTORY AND THEORY, Issue 2 2003Claudio Fogu This essay argues that, just like liberalism and communism, fascist ideology was based on a specific philosophy of history articulated by Giovanni Gentile in the aftermath of World War I. Gentile's actualist notion that history "belongs to the present" articulated an immanent vision of the relationship between historical agency, representation, and consciousness against all transcendental conceptions of history. I define this vision as historic (as opposed to "historical") because it translated the popular notion of historic eventfulness into the idea of the reciprocal immanence of the historical and the historiographical act. I further show that the actualist philosophy of history was historically resonant with the Italian experience of the Great War and was culturally modernist. I insist, however, that the actualist catastrophe of the histori(ographi)cal act was also genealogically connected to the Latin-Catholic rhetorical signification of "presence" that had sustained the development of Italian visual culture for centuries. Accordingly, I argue that the fascist translation of actualism into a historic imaginary was at the root of Italian fascism's appeal to both masses and intellectuals. Fascism presented itself as a historic agent that not only "made history," but also made it present to mass consciousness. In fact, I conclude by suggesting that the fascist success in institutionalizing a proper mode of historic representation in the 1920s, and a full-blown historic culture in the 1930s, may have also constituted a fundamental laboratory for the formation of posthistoric(al) imaginaries. [source] The Empire's War Recalled: Recent Writing on the Western Front Experience of Britain, Ireland, Australia, Canada, India, New Zealand, South Africa and the West IndiesHISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 4 2009John Connor The ninetieth anniversary of the end of the First World War in 2008 was marked with the publication of a number of works in many parts of what was once the British Empire. We saw an increased output in publications on the Western Front. In Britain, the recent literature attempts to rehabilitate Douglas Haig and define the ,learning curve' that enabled the British army to defeat Germany in 1918. In Australia, Canada and New Zealand, the performance of their soldiers on the Western Front is seen as central to national identity and this now focuses on military success rather than sacrifice in a futile war. In India, South Africa and Jamaica, there is a renewed interest in linking the First World War to national identities based on the independence or liberation struggle. In Ireland, the Great War is seen as a shared experience that can link the Nationalist and Unionist traditions in Northern Ireland and the Republic. The article concludes that this interest in the Western Front will continue into the next decade in the lead-up to the centenary of the First World War. [source] The shrine of remembrance Melbourne: a short study of visitors' experiencesINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM RESEARCH, Issue 6 2009Caroline Winter Abstract The Shrine of Remembrance in Melbourne, Australia opened in 1934 to articulate the social memory of the Great War of 1914,1918. The site has developed to incorporate other memorials and a Visitor Centre. An exploratory study of visitors indicated that the traditional and new memorials continue to evoke a number of responses to war. People expressed a sense of sadness and gratitude for sacrifices made by all those who have fought in war. Many people had poor knowledge of the battles which had initiated the creation of the Shrine. The study indicates the Shrine's complexity which now commemorates multiple conflicts. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Justice and Moral Regeneration: Lessons from the Treaty of VersaillesINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 3 2002Catherine Lu The Treaty of Versailles, which concluded World War I, aimed to establish a "peace of justice"; sadly, it only seemed to pave the way to a second, more devastating world war. What lessons about justice and reconciliation can we learn from the treaty and its apparent failure? Some scholars argue that the fault of the treaty lay in its preoccupation with retributive justice, undermining prospects for reconciliation. Rather than positing justice and reconciliation as inherently conflictual moral values or goals, both need to be conceived as part of the project of moral regeneration. Such a multidimensional project requires a certain kind of justice and reconciliation, founded on mutual respect for the humanity and equality of others. An assessment of the relationship among truth, justice, and reconciliation in the framework of moral regeneration indicates that the most grievous moral fault of the Treaty of Versailles lay in its process, which facilitated neither a truthful accounting of the war's causes and consequences, nor the affirmation of moral truths by victors or vanquished. The lack of an authoritative and public moral accounting of the Great War undermined both justice and reconciliation in international society. [source] The Politics of Memory in Annexed Lorraine: The Conflicts between Germanification and French Stalwarts at the beginning of the 20th CenturyJOURNAL OF HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 3 2009PHILIPPE HAMMAN The article examines how the uses of memory in turn-of-the-century Lorraine structured political discourse and presented enduring difficulties for the actions of German administrators and local community leaders. In this border region, memory was always contested and challenged, and thereby unstable. This paper approaches "the politics of French memory" through the examination of various pro-French "memory societies" and networks such as the Souvenir Français. The central question is how did conflicts over memory impact Lorraine's political life and its place in the German Empire in the years leading up to the Great War? Regarding this point, the growth of nationalism is analysed as a phenomenon that reached far beyond French nationalist circles. [source] Rules, Red Tape, and Paperwork: The Archeology of State Control over MigrantsJOURNAL OF HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2008DAVID COOK MARTÍN How and with what consequences did state control over migration become acceptable and possible after the Great War? Existing studies have centered on core countries of immigration and thus underestimate the degree to which legitimate state capacities have developed in a political field spanning sending and receiving countries with similar designs on the same international migrants. Relying on archival research, and an examination of the migratory field constituted by two quintessential emigration countries (Italy and Spain), and a traditional immigration country (Argentina) since the mid-nineteenth century, this article argues that widespread acceptance of migration control as an administrative domain rightfully under states' purview, and the development of attendant capacities have derived from legal, organizational, and administrative mechanisms crafted by state actors in response to the challenges posed by mass migration. Concretely, these countries codified migration and nationality laws, built, took over, and revamped migration-related organizations, and administratively encaged mobile people through official paperwork. The nature of efforts to evade official checks on mobility implicitly signaled the acceptance of migration control as a bona fide administrative domain. In more routine migration management, states legitimate capacity has had unforeseen intermediate- and long-term consequences such as the subjection of migrants (and, because of ius sanguinis nationality laws, sometimes their descendants) to other states' administrative influence and the generation of conditions for dual citizenship. Study findings challenge scholarship that implicitly views states as constant factors conditioning migration flows, rather than as developing institutions with historically variable regulatory abilities and legitimacy. It extends current work by specifying mechanism used by state actors to establish migration as an accepted administrative domain. [source] The Tragic Tale of Claire Ferchaud and the Great War , By Raymond JonasJOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY, Issue 2 2010Dominic Janes No abstract is available for this article. [source] Beyond Comfort: German and English Military Chaplains and the Memory of the Great War, 1919,1929JOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY, Issue 3 2005PATRICK PORTER How did German and English military chaplains commemorate the Great War? The established historiography broadly interprets war commemoration in the post-war period in two ways. One approach presents commemoration as a ritual of healing that soothed the bereft. The other emphasizes the political function of commemoration, interpreting it as a way of reshaping the war in collective memory to legitimize the status quo , by venerating sacrifices made for the nation, it put the nation beyond question to strengthen allegiance to the established order. Both interpretations treat the language of war commemoration as one of consolation and comfort. Military chaplains, however, espoused a more ambitious mission. For them, the purpose of war commemoration was to inculcate dissatisfaction, guilt, and discomfort. This was because they remembered the war as a contest of ideas embodied in the clash of nations, a contest that was still unsettled. Their purpose was therefore the antithesis to consolation and conventional patriotism: to mobilize the living to honour their "blood debt" to the dead through the language of agitation. They themselves had participated in a war regarded by the churches as a campaign of regeneration through blood, in which sacrifice and suffering would revitalize their nations by bringing them to repentance, piety, and social cohesion. Because they were implicated personally in that incomplete crusade, they were especially anxious to realize the mission and complete the sacrifices of the dead. Anglican ex-chaplains predominantly implored their congregations to ensure a permanent peace that had been purchased by blood, whereas German Protestants invoked a resurrected Volk reclaiming its status as a chosen people. Each articulated a politics of remembrance, one formed on the vision of a war to end all wars, the other on a vision of a war to resurrect the Reich as the Kingdom of God. While the political content of their memories was different, they shared an attitude to the function of remembrance, as a ritual to mobilize and arouse rather than console. Both groups preached that the peace was a continuation of an unfinished moral and spiritual struggle. Furthermore, while always honouring the dead, they stressed that the worth of their sacrifices was no longer guaranteed but contingent upon the conduct of living and future generations. Despite the divergences that emerged from their different confessional and national traditions, and from their respective circumstances, they shared a common moral language. [source] Men Want Something Real: Frank Buchman and Anglo-American College Religion in the 1920sJOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY, Issue 3 2004Daniel Sack In 1925 a Princeton University alumnus told a group of faculty that "men want something real." He felt that students at Princeton and other universities were trapped in institutions historian George Marsden later described as increasingly secularized and secularizing. Their education was too theoretical and their Christianity was too conventional. Caught in such a place, young men wanted some kind of real-life experience, unmediated by books or instructors. They wanted excitement and intensity, the kind their predecessors found in the Great War. In place of immorality, or conventional Christianity, evangelist Frank Buchman organized a cell group movement where men could get an exciting religious experience. He repackaged Anglo-American evangelicalism so it would appeal to modern young people. The movement began in America, but soon included elite college students in Britain as well. It focused particularly on "key men," vital to Buchman's goal of remaking the world. [source] Political Theology, Political Religion and SecularisationPOLITICAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 2 2010Richard Shorten Burleigh, M. (2005) Earthly Powers: Religion and Politics in Europe from the French Revolution to the Great War. London: HarperCollins. Burleigh, M. (2006) Sacred Causes: Religion and Politics from the European Dictators to Al Qaeda. London: HarperPress. Gentile, E. (2006) Politics as Religion. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press. Gray, J. (2007) Black Mass: Apocalyptic Religion and the Death of Utopia. London: Penguin. Lilla, M. (2007) The Stillborn God: Religion, Politics and the Modern West. New York: Knopf. [source] The Crisisin the Great War: W. E. B. Du Bois and His Perception of African -American Participation in World War ITHE HISTORIAN, Issue 2 2008Shane A. Smith First page of article [source] Forgotten Lunatics of the Great War , By Peter BarhamTHE HISTORIAN, Issue 1 2007George Robb No abstract is available for this article. [source] Pyrrhic Victory: French Strategy and Operations in the Great War , Robert A. DoughtyTHE HISTORIAN, Issue 4 2006John Mosier No abstract is available for this article. [source] From the air to beneath the soil , revealing and mapping great war trenches at Ploegsteert (Comines-Warneton), BelgiumARCHAEOLOGICAL PROSPECTION, Issue 4 2009P. Masters Abstract Recent military battlefield sites are often recorded by accident during geophysical investigations researching into earlier archaeological landscapes. The First World War (Great War) perhaps left its traces like no other war before or since in Europe. For the first time, a large area, some 16,ha in extent, has been surveyed over a modern conflict landscape. The authors have attempted to combine two remote sensing techniques: analysis of contemporary Great War aerial photographs and geophysical prospection techniques. The combination of two different approaches leads to a more comprehensive understanding of the Great War battlefield and an understanding of the value of remote sensing in this new area of applied research. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Equivocal Masculinity: New York Dada in the context of World War IART HISTORY, Issue 2 2002Amelia Jones This essay explores a cluster of works by the group of artists retroactively labelled `New York Dada' in light of the pressures exerted on masculine subjectivity during the WWI period. While the war has, for obvious reasons, been a key reference point for studies of European Dada, it has never been acknowledged (beyond passing references) as a context for the New York group (in particular, for the work of the key figures Man Ray, Francis Picabia and Marcel Duchamp). Failing to attend to the Great War as a crucial historical pressure on the group simply accepts at face value these artists' own desire to escape the war (in the case of Picabia, Duchamp, Jean Crotti and others, by leaving Europe and coming to New York). This essay, in contrast, insists upon attending to the effects of the war environment , with its heated discourses of heroism and patriotic nationalism , on the New York Dada group (which, after all, would not have existed had these artists not left Europe for New York because of the war). Examining the relationship of each of the key NewYork Dada figures to the war, it explores a selection of their works in relation to these experiences. Ultimately, I argue that the artists' non-combatant masculinity, compromised in the face of dominant discourses of militarized masculinity, is eerily and disconcertingly echoed by the predominance of shadows, gaps and absences in their visual art works. [source] Memorizing the Great War: Stanley Spencer at BurghclereART HISTORY, Issue 2 2000Sue Malvern The Chapel of All Saints, Burghclere, is decorated with a narrative series of war paintings (eight panels each with a matching predella, two panoramas and an end-wall Resurrection scene), and was completed by the British artist Stanley Spencer between 1926 and 1932. This article analyses the Chapel within two intersecting frames of reference , as part of a tradition for war memoirs by veterans and as an example of war memorial iconography in Britain in the inter-war years. Whereas the meaning of the Chapel is usually read as one which resolves the Great War into a matter of resurrection and redemption, I argue that the series is a paradoxical and indeterminate narrative intended for diverse audiences. [source] Shaped on the Anvil of Mars: Vance and Nettie Palmer and the Great WarAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 3 2007Deborah Jordan In Australia as elsewhere within the belligerent nations of the Great War, dissenting thinkers were marginalised with the mobilisation of militarism. Vance and Nettie Palmer, Australia's most important literary partnership in the interwar period, were initially critical of the war, their response typical of the English radical intelligentsia among whom they were living at the time of its outbreak. Forced back to Australia in 1915, the Palmers had to re-establish themselves in its increasingly turbulent intellectual battlefields. Nettie's earlier anti-war beliefs and cosmopolitanism were undermined while Vance became ever more deeply enmeshed in a discourse concerning the virtues of the "ordinary people", which encompassed the men of the Australian Imperial Force (AIF). Nevertheless, in their extensive writings about Australia, neither Palmer ever endorsed the legend of the heroic Anzacs. The Great War, however, profoundly shaped their political consciousness and their choice of genre and writing strategies, as it did others of their literary generation. This article will show that the war was a far more important influence on their work than usually acknowledged in Australian literary scholarship, and thereby reveal some of the cultural patterns that shaped their generation of Australian radical writers and intellectuals , particularly in Melbourne, arguably the heartland for the tradition of democratic literary nationalism which the Palmers have been seen to epitomise. [source] | |||||||||||||||||||||||||