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Gender Wage Gap (gender + wage_gap)
Selected AbstractsTHE EFFECT OF THE COLLECTIVE BARGAINING LEVEL ON THE GENDER WAGE GAP: EVIDENCE FROM SPAIN,THE MANCHESTER SCHOOL, Issue 3 2008FLORENTINO FELGUEROSO Several studies have found a negative relationship between the level of collective bargaining centralization and the degree of wage inequality. So, more centralized bargaining seems to lead to lower wage gaps. On the other hand, there is evidence that the gender wage gap increases as we move upwards along the wage distribution, illustrating the glass ceiling hypothesis. In this paper we study how the wage gap changes throughout the distribution of wages, as a function of the level of collective bargaining by which workers are covered, using data from the Spanish Wage Structure Survey of 2002. [source] Workforce Segregation and the Gender Wage Gap: Is "Women's" Work Valued as Highly as "Men's"?,JOURNAL OF APPLIED SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 6 2008Christine Alksnis This study focuses on gender segregation and its implications for the salaries assigned to male- and female-typed jobs. We used a between-subjects design to examine whether participants would assign different pay to 3 types of jobs wherein the actual responsibilities and duties carried out by men and women were the same, but the job was situated in either a traditionally masculine or traditionally feminine domain. We found pay differentials between jobs defined as "male" and "female," which suggest that gender-based discrimination, arising from occupational stereotyping and the devaluation of the work typically done by women, influences salary allocation. The ways in which the results fit with contemporary theorizing about sexism and with the shifting standards model (Biernat, 1995, 2003) are discussed. [source] Analysing the Gender Wage Gap (GWG) Using Personnel RecordsLABOUR, Issue 2 2009Christian Pfeifer We use monthly personnel records of a large German company for the years 1999,2005 to analyse the gender wage gap (GWG). The unconditional GWG is 15 per cent for blue-collar and 26 per cent for white-collar workers. Different returns to entry age explain a substantial part of the GWG as well as segregation of men and women in different hierarchical levels. The relative GWG increases with increasing tenure for blue-collar but declines for white-collar workers. Taking into account the different impact of general and firm-specific human capital on white-collar and blue-collar occupation, this is consistent with theories of statistical discrimination. [source] More or Less Unequal?GENDER, WORK & ORGANISATION, Issue 1 2007Evidence on the Pay of Men, Women from the British Birth Cohort Studies Gender pay differences are not merely a problem for women returning to work and part-time employees, but also for those in full-time, continuous careers. In data from cohort studies, the gender wage gap for full-time workers in their early thirties fell between 1978 and 2000. This equalization reflects improvements in women's education and experience rather more than a move towards equal treatment. Indeed, had the typical woman full-timer in 2000 been paid at men's rates she would have actually received higher pay than the typical man. Within one cohort, passing from age 33 to 42, gender inequality increased. This was partly due to differences in the qualifications and experience of the women in employment at those points, but unequal treatment also rose among women employed full time at both ages. [source] Gender Wage Differences in West Germany: A Cohort AnalysisGERMAN ECONOMIC REVIEW, Issue 4 2002Bernd Fitzenberger A comprehensive descriptive analysis of gender wage differences over a long time period does not exist for West Germany. Using an empirical approach which explicitly takes into account changes of wage distributions for both males and females as well as life,cycle and birth cohort effects, we go beyond conventional decomposition techniques of the average gender wage gap. The paper provides stylized facts of the level and dynamics of the gender wage gap from 1975,95. The empirical analysis is based upon the IAB employment subsample. Our findings confirm the importance of distributional effects relating to skill level and employment status. While life,cycle wage growth is in general much lower for females compared to males, comparing their estimated time trends implies that the gender wage gap has narrowed substantially in the lower part of the wage distribution especially for low, and medium,skilled females but much less so in the upper part of the wage distribution. Surprisingly, we do not find any cohort effects for wages of female employees. [source] Analysing the Gender Wage Gap (GWG) Using Personnel RecordsLABOUR, Issue 2 2009Christian Pfeifer We use monthly personnel records of a large German company for the years 1999,2005 to analyse the gender wage gap (GWG). The unconditional GWG is 15 per cent for blue-collar and 26 per cent for white-collar workers. Different returns to entry age explain a substantial part of the GWG as well as segregation of men and women in different hierarchical levels. The relative GWG increases with increasing tenure for blue-collar but declines for white-collar workers. Taking into account the different impact of general and firm-specific human capital on white-collar and blue-collar occupation, this is consistent with theories of statistical discrimination. [source] Glass Ceiling or Sticky Floor?THE ECONOMIC RECORD, Issue 259 2006Exploring the Australian Gender Pay Gap Using the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia survey, this paper analyses the gender wage gaps across the wage distribution in both the public and private sectors in Australia. Quantile regression techniques are used to control for various characteristics at different points of the wage distributions. Counterfactual decomposition analysis, adjusted for the quantile regression framework, is used to examine if the gap is attributed to gender differences in characteristics, or to the differing returns between genders. The main finding is that a strong glass ceiling effect is detected only in the private sector. A second finding is that the acceleration in the gender gap across the distribution does not vanish even after account is taken of an extensive set of statistical controls. This suggests that the observed wage gap is a result of differences in returns to genders. By focusing only on the mean gender wage gap, substantial variations of the gap will be hidden. [source] Undereducation and Overeducation in the Australian Labour Market,THE ECONOMIC RECORD, Issue 2005DERBY VOON This paper uses data from the 1996 Census of Population and Housing Household Sample File (HSF) to study the incidence of mismatch between workers' educational attainments and the requirements of their jobs, and the earnings consequences of this mismatch. It also examines whether mismatch contributes to the explanation of the gender wage differential in the Australian labour market. It is found that approximately 15.8 per cent of men and 13.6 per cent of women are overeducated, whereas approximately 18.5 per cent of women and 13.7 per cent of men are undereducated. Substantial earnings consequences are found to be associated with this mismatch, with surplus schooling yielding relatively low returns. The results suggest that mismatch does not account for the gender wage gap in the Australian labour market; rather the gender wage differential is entrenched in the fundamentals of pay determination. [source] Are Employment Effects of Gender Discrimination Important?THE MANCHESTER SCHOOL, Issue 6 2003Some Evidence from Great Britain Interpreting the unexplained component of the gender wage gap as indicative of discrimination, the empirical literature to date has tended to ignore the potential impact wage discrimination may have on employment. Employment effects may arise if discrimination lowers the female offered wage and the labour supply curve is upward sloping. The empirical analysis employs the British Household Panel Study and finds evidence of both wage and associated employment effects. [source] The effects of competition and equal treatment laws on gender wage differentialsECONOMIC POLICY, Issue 50 2007Doris Weichselbaumer SUMMARY International gender wage gaps Discrimination, if it is inefficient, can be eliminated by competition. In most countries, it is also forbidden by law. This paper evaluates the influence of economic and legal factors on the portion of male-female wage differentials that is not explained by other worker characteristics and may be due to discrimination. We use a new international data set of suitable gender wage gap measures, constructed from the results of existing studies. Meta-analysis of the data shows that increased competition and adoption of international conventions concerning equal treatment laws both reduce gender wage gaps, while legislation that prevents women from performing strenuous or dangerous jobs tends to increase it. , Doris Weichselbaumer and Rudolf Winter-Ebmer [source] Glass Ceiling or Sticky Floor?THE ECONOMIC RECORD, Issue 259 2006Exploring the Australian Gender Pay Gap Using the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia survey, this paper analyses the gender wage gaps across the wage distribution in both the public and private sectors in Australia. Quantile regression techniques are used to control for various characteristics at different points of the wage distributions. Counterfactual decomposition analysis, adjusted for the quantile regression framework, is used to examine if the gap is attributed to gender differences in characteristics, or to the differing returns between genders. The main finding is that a strong glass ceiling effect is detected only in the private sector. A second finding is that the acceleration in the gender gap across the distribution does not vanish even after account is taken of an extensive set of statistical controls. This suggests that the observed wage gap is a result of differences in returns to genders. By focusing only on the mean gender wage gap, substantial variations of the gap will be hidden. [source] |