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French Revolution (french + revolution)
Selected AbstractsGender, Citizenship and Subjectivity: Some Historical and Theoretical ConsiderationsGENDER & HISTORY, Issue 3 2001Kathleen Canning Because the French Revolution failed to produce a widely acceptable definition of citizenship, the limits of manhood suffrage in the early nineteenth century were uncertain. Social practices, in particular scientific activity, served as claims to the status of citizen. By engaging in scientific pastimes, bourgeois Frenchmen asserted that they possessed the rationality and autonomy that liberal theorists associated both with manliness and with civic capacity. However, bourgeois science was never a stable signifier of masculinity or of competence. As professional science emerged, the bourgeois amateur increasingly became the feminised object of satire rather than the sober andmeritorious citizen-scientist. [source] Citizens and Scientists: Toward a Gendered History of Scientific Practice in Post-revolutionary FranceGENDER & HISTORY, Issue 3 2001Carol E. Harrison Because the French Revolution failed to produce a widely acceptable definition of citizenship, the limits of manhood suffrage in the early nineteenth century were uncertain. Social practices, in particular scientific activity, served as claims to the status of citizen. By engaging in scientific pastimes, bourgeois Frenchmen asserted that they possessed the rationality and autonomy that liberal theorists associated both with manliness and with civic capacity. However, bourgeois science was never a stable signifier of masculinity or of competence. As professional science emerged, the bourgeois amateur increasingly became the feminised object of satire rather than the sober and meritorious citizen-scientist. [source] Political Violence in the Republic of Rome: Nothing New under the SunGOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 4 2006Brenda J. Lutz At various times the Roman Republic faced outbreaks of domestic political violence, including riots and intimidation, assassinations and conspiracies to overthrow the government. Violence was particularly noticeable in the Early Republic and the Late Republic. These activities were quite similar to the terrorism and violence used by mobs and groups during the French Revolution and the tactics of fascists and leftists in Europe in the 1920s or 1930s. More accurately, the actions of mobs and others during the French Revolution and leftists and fascists in Europe were very similar to the techniques used in the Roman political system in the last five centuries BCE. [source] Popular politics in Angus and Perthshire in the seventeen-ninetiesHISTORICAL RESEARCH, Issue 210 2007Bob Harris While a great deal of work on England and Ireland in the seventeen-nineties has been published in recent decades, Scotland has attracted far less attention. This article uses a series of uniquely rich archival collections to reconstruct in detail currents of opinion and political developments in two Scottish counties, Perthshire and Angus, in this period. It presents new evidence on the scope, social depth and resilience of radicalism and loyalism, and examines the nature and limitations of political stability in this region. In doing so, it brings into question the notion of ,massive political stability' in Scotland in the seventeen-nineties and the sharp contrasts which are sometimes drawn between popular politics in England and Scotland in the age of the French Revolution. [source] Contesting the French Revolution , By Paul R. HansonHISTORY, Issue 318 2010WILLIAM DOYLE No abstract is available for this article. [source] Despotism without Bounds: The French Secret Police and the Silencing of Dissent in London, 1760,1790HISTORY, Issue 296 2004SIMON BURROWS Through an examination of the policing of dissident French refugees in London between 1760 and 1790, this article contends that recent historians have tended to over-emphasize the reforming nature of the Bourbon government in the decades prior to the French Revolution, especially under Louis XVI, and overlooked the more repressive and ,despotic' aspects of the regime. It reveals that the Paris police or French secret agents adopted a variety of clandestine methods in their attempts to silence dissident exiles, including attempts at kidnap, and allegedly murder. As much of this police activity was reported in the British press and French printed texts, both before and during the French Revolution, and several of the exiles were celebrated writers or future revolutionary leaders, it was widely known among informed contemporaries. The article therefore contends that the French revolutionaries' allegations of despotism and suspicions of monarchic conspiracies were more deeply rooted in experience than recent historiography has tended to suggest. At the same time, reports of the attempts of the ,despotic' French government to suppress the activities of Frenchmen on British soil helped to reinforce a British national identity based on the celebration of the liberties France lacked. [source] Napoleon's Lost Legions: French Prisoners of War in Britain, 1803,1814HISTORY, Issue 295 2004GAVIN DALY During the Napoleonic Wars, over 100,000 French prisoners of war were held captive in Britain. These prisoners remain a marginal group in the military history of the period, yet they represent a key turning point in the history of European prisoners of war, and their predicament offers insights into the nature of the French Revolution. This article considers the treatment and experiences of French prisoners, and in particular seeks to understand the circumstances surrounding their long-term captivity. Unlike eighteenth-century prisoners of war, prisoners of the Napoleonic Wars remained captive for the duration of the conflict, unable to return home through the traditional means of prisoner exchange or officer parole. This radical departure from the past gave rise to the modern practice of interning prisoners of war for the entire duration of a war. This historic shift was, on the one level, a result of the actions of one man , Napoleon Bonaparte. Yet, as this article highlights, it must also be understood as part of the long-term social and cultural legacy of the French Revolution. [source] Origins of the French RevolutionHISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 4 2007Gail Bossenga There is at present no comprehensive interpretation of the origins of the French Revolution. Because of the fragmented state of the argument, this article explores several perspectives that have influenced research on the Revolution's origins including Alexis de Tocqueville's view of the state; research on the politics of the court at Versailles and the parlements; fiscal origins by institutional economic historians; and cultural approaches, including the analysis of the public sphere by Jürgen Habermas. It concludes that the collapse of the Old Regime was the result of a variety of converging causes, many of which had deep roots in the institutional structure of the old regime. The state itself generated institutional contradictions by both reinforcing privilege and implementing policies that undercut privilege in the quest for greater administrative efficiency. Ministerial incompetence combined with new forces, including enhanced international pressure from efficient British war finance and the growing appeal to public opinion, made reform increasingly difficult and created conditions favorable to revolution when the state went bankrupt in 1789. [source] Western Europe, Postmodernity, and the Shadow of the French Revolution: A Response to Soper and RobbinsJOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION, Issue 2 2001Massimo Introvigne First page of article [source] Multicultural democracy: can it work?NATIONS AND NATIONALISM, Issue 4 2002Pierre L. Van Den Berghe After differentiating multicultural democracy (MD) from other types of democracy (liberal, consociational, ethnic and Herrenvolk), this article explores both the conditions favouring MD and the problems it faces. The main obstacle to MD is the model of the ,nation,state', which has been the basis of legitimacy in most liberal democracies since the French Revolution. Multiculturalism has existed in many non,democratic states (such as colonial and traditional empires) and in city,states. A distinction is made between minimal MD (the simple tolerance and legal protection of cultural diversity) and maximal MD (the celebration, encouragement and official support thereof). The article concludes that minimal MD is the more feasible of the two, and that political and social conditions for it are the most favourable in urban environments, especially in city,states. [source] Political Theology, Political Religion and SecularisationPOLITICAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 2 2010Richard Shorten Burleigh, M. (2005) Earthly Powers: Religion and Politics in Europe from the French Revolution to the Great War. London: HarperCollins. Burleigh, M. (2006) Sacred Causes: Religion and Politics from the European Dictators to Al Qaeda. London: HarperPress. Gentile, E. (2006) Politics as Religion. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press. Gray, J. (2007) Black Mass: Apocalyptic Religion and the Death of Utopia. London: Penguin. Lilla, M. (2007) The Stillborn God: Religion, Politics and the Modern West. New York: Knopf. [source] Ending the French Revolution: Violence, Justice, and Repression from the Terror to Napoleon , By Howard G. BrownTHE HISTORIAN, Issue 4 2007Janet D. Stone No abstract is available for this article. [source] THE MARRIAGE OF ART AND COMMERCE: PHILIPPE DE LASALLE'S SUCCESS IN SILKART HISTORY, Issue 2 2005Lesley Ellis Miller Since the eighteenth century Philippe Lasalle (1723,1804) has enjoyed a reputation as the most successful designer,manufacturer,inventor in the world-renowned silk manufacturing centre of Lyons during the ancien régime. This essay proposes that it was through the conscious marriage of art and commerce that Lasalle made his fortune and arrived at his technological inventions, that his efforts at turning painterly drawings into textiles acted as the springboard for his major commercial commissions and afforded him access to the taste leaders of eighteenth-century Europe. Armed with a clear understanding of contemporary institutions and practices in academic art and textile manufacture , the Académie Royale, the Manufacture Royale des Gobelins, and the Grande Fabrique at Lyons , Lasalle drew fully on state incentives to expand upon and market ranges of French luxury goods. This proposal problematizes existing views of Lasalle who has remained largely a local hero, nicely contextualized relative to Lyons and Lyonnais activities but somewhat underestimated relative to his manipulation of other worlds. The thesis derives from detailed examination of Lasalle's known textile output from when he formed his first partnership in 1751 until he fled from Lyons at the beginning of the French Revolution. [source] "Atlantic Revolution" or Local Difficulty: Aspects of Revolt in Brazil, 1780,1880AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 3 2010Dick Geary It has become commonplace to argue that the ideals of the Enlightenment, the American War of Independence and the French Revolution inspired revolutionary struggles on both sides of the Atlantic and even played an increasing role in the inspiration of slave revolts in the Americas. This paper tests this hypothesis against two kinds of upheaval, namely slave revolt in Brazil between 1780 and 1850 and artisan protest in the so-called Praiera Rising in Brazilian Recife in 1848/9, seen by Hobsbawm and others (including some Brazilian historians) as a South American variant of the Parisian upheavals of the same year. The analysis of slave revolts in this paper, on the other hand, concludes that they were rarely inspired by Western discourse, as they were overwhelmingly the work of African slaves, who relied on African , or to be more precise , Afro-Brazilian traditions, including local cults and African Islam. In so far as there was an "Atlantic Revolution" in this case, therefore, it came from the South and not the North Atlantic. In the case of the Praiera the paper further demonstrates that the demands of free and freed Brazilian artisans for "work for all Brazilians" and the "nationalisation of the retail trade" were not inspired by the same kind of radical, anti-merchant ideology as their Parisian counterparts but were primarily driven by hostility to the competition of both slave artisans and an influx of Portuguese craftsmen. This difference it explains by the different meaning of labour in slave and non-slave society. [source] Patriotism, Universalism and the Scottish Conventions, 1792,1794HISTORY, Issue 295 2004GORDON PENTLAND Scottish radicalism in the 1790s was informed by indigenous ideologies and traditions and by the more universalist ideology associated with the American and French revolutions and with the writings of Thomas Paine. Scottish, English and Irish radicals also operated in a British context, and throughout the decade they contested the language of British patriotism with the state and loyalists who sought to represent all radicals as essentially foreign. This article investigates the radical conventions held in Edinburgh between 1792 and 1794, which culminated in the British Convention. The majority of delegates who attended were from Scottish societies, but English radicals played prominent roles in its proceedings. The British Convention sat in the context of war with revolutionary France, when patriotism was at a premium, and was broken up by the government, who tried its leaders for sedition. At the convention, delegates appealed to a British ,constitutional idiom' to justify and legitimize their actions. This language was not only flexible enough to incorporate aspects of other ideological justifications for political reform, both secular and religious, but also allowed radicals to articulate an alternative British patriotism to that espoused by loyalists. [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||