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French Government (french + government)

Distribution by Scientific Domains
Humanities and Social Sciences80%

Selected Abstracts

Failure to reduce drinking and driving in France: a 6-year prospective study in the GAZEL cohort

ADDICTION, Issue 1 2010
Aymery Constant
ABSTRACT Aim An unprecedented decline in alcohol consumption and road mortality has been observed recently in France, but it is still unclear whether or not these changes affected driving while alcohol-intoxicated (DWI). The objective of the study was to estimate prospectively trends of excessive speed on the roads, alcohol consumption and DWI between 2001 and 2007 in a large cohort of experienced drivers. Methods Participants were current employees or recent retirees of the French national electricity and gas company, who volunteered to participate in a research cohort established in 1989 under strict conditions of anonymity. An annual cohort questionnaire is sent to participants that includes two questions about overall alcohol consumption. In 2001 and 2007, 10 684 participants reported their driving behaviours using the same self-administered questionnaire. Results Between 2001 and 2007, the proportion of participants (n = 10 684) who reported having driven at speeds at least 20 km/hour above the limit decreased from 23.7% to 4.1% in built-up areas (P < 0.001), from 34.3% to 9.3% on rural roads (P < 0.001) and from 24.3% to 2.7% on highways (P < 0.001). Regular and non-regular excessive alcohol consumption decreased from 22.7% to 19.7% and from 18.0% to 14.9%, respectively, whereas DWI increased from 22.9% to 25.3% over the same period (P < 0.001). Conclusions A recent crackdown on road violations by the French government has failed to deter DWI. Given that DWI seems to be a sporadic and rarely punished behaviour, its prevention requires more coercive measures, such as using a breath alcohol ignition interlock device. [source]

Despotism without Bounds: The French Secret Police and the Silencing of Dissent in London, 1760,1790

HISTORY, Issue 296 2004
SIMON BURROWS
Through an examination of the policing of dissident French refugees in London between 1760 and 1790, this article contends that recent historians have tended to over-emphasize the reforming nature of the Bourbon government in the decades prior to the French Revolution, especially under Louis XVI, and overlooked the more repressive and ,despotic' aspects of the regime. It reveals that the Paris police or French secret agents adopted a variety of clandestine methods in their attempts to silence dissident exiles, including attempts at kidnap, and allegedly murder. As much of this police activity was reported in the British press and French printed texts, both before and during the French Revolution, and several of the exiles were celebrated writers or future revolutionary leaders, it was widely known among informed contemporaries. The article therefore contends that the French revolutionaries' allegations of despotism and suspicions of monarchic conspiracies were more deeply rooted in experience than recent historiography has tended to suggest. At the same time, reports of the attempts of the ,despotic' French government to suppress the activities of Frenchmen on British soil helped to reinforce a British national identity based on the celebration of the liberties France lacked. [source]

The October Riots in France: A Failed Immigration Policy or the Empire Strikes Back?

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 2 2006
Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad
ABSTRACT In October 2005, the predominately Arab-immigrant suburbs of Paris, Lyon, Lille and other French cities erupted in riots by socially alienated teenagers, many of them second- or third-generation immigrants. For many French observers, it was a painful reminder that France's immigration policy had, quite bluntly, failed. The grand French ideal of égalité, the equality of all citizens of the Republic, itself a by-product of France's colonial past, demonstrated its incompatibility with twenty-first century reality. The French immigration experience is markedly different than those of other European countries, as France's is tainted by colonial history, republican idealism, a rigidly centralized government structure, and deep-seeded traditions of xenophobia. Indeed, the nineteenth century French policy of the mission civilicatrice (civilizing mission) still influences French policy toward its immigrants today: rather than accept cultural differences, the French government demands that all its citizens adhere to a rigid and exclusive "French" identity. As such, the children of the generation of immigrants that the French government actively brought to France to fuel its post-war expansion now find themselves unemployed and socially marginalized. Government social structures meant to ease the disparity between social classes, such as public housing and education, generally do more to aggravate problems than to solve them; public housing is woefully inadequate and the education structure institutionalizes the poor quality of schools in immigrant communities. Despite this generally poor outlook, the French have recently made some progress toward better integration of their immigrant communities, though these efforts are generally met with wide-spread demagogic and populist opposition. LES ÉMEUTES D'OCTOBRE EN FRANCE: ÉCHEC DE LA POLITIQUE D'IMMIGRATION OU L'EMPIRE CONTRE-ATTAQUE? En octobre 2005, dans les banlieues de Paris, Lyon, Lille et d'autres villes françaises, oú prédominent les immigrés arabes, des émeutes ont éclaté, menées par des adolescents socialement aliénés, dont beaucoup étaient des immigrés de deuxième ou troisième génération. Pour nombre d'observateurs français, ces événements ont douloureusement confirmé que la politique d'immigration de la France était un échec cuisant. Le magnifique idéal français d'égalité de tous les citoyens de la République, lui-même un sous-produit du passé colonial de la France, se révélait décidément incompatible avec la réalité du 21e siècle. En matière d'immigration, l'expérience de la France est sensiblement différente de celle des autres pays européens, la France étant marquée par une histoire coloniale, un idéalisme républicain, une structure gouvernementale rigidement centralisée et une tradition de xénophobie profondément ancrée. D'ailleurs, l'approche française de la mission civilisatrice, qui avait cours au 19e siècle, continue d'influencer la politique de la France à l'égard de ses immigrés: plutôt que d'accepter les différences culturelles, le Gouvernement français exige que tous les citoyens adhèrent à une identité « française » à la fois rigide et exclusive. Les enfants des immigrés que le Gouvernement français avait fait venir en France pour soutenir son expansion d'après-guerre se retrouvent maintenant au chômage et socialement marginalisés. Les structures sociales gouvernementales destinées à atténuer les disparités entre classes sociales, notamment le logement social et l'enseignement, font souvent plus pour aggraver les problèmes que pour les résoudre. Les logements sociaux sont cruellement insuffisants et le système d'enseignement institutionnalise la mauvaise qualité des établissements scolaires fréquentés par les communautés d'immigrés. Malgré ces perspectives généralement médiocres, les Français ont fait des progrès dans le sens d'une meilleure intégration de ces communautés, bien que ces efforts se heurtent généralement à une importante opposition teintée de démagogie et de populisme. LAS REVUELTAS DE OCTUBRE EN FRANCIA: ¿UNA POLÍTICA DE INMIGRACIÓN ERRÓNEA O EL IMPERIO CONTRAATACA? En octubre de 2005, los barrios donde predomina la inmigración árabe de París, Lyon, Lille y otras ciudades francesas fueron el escenario de revueltas de adolescentes socialmente alienados, muchos de ellos inmigrantes de segunda o tercera generación. Para muchos observadores franceses, fue un doloroso recordatorio de que, con bastante claridad, la política de inmigración de Francia había fracasado. El gran ideal francés de l'égalité, es decir, la igualdad de todos los ciudadanos de la República, consecuencia en sí misma del pasado colonial francés, demostró su incompatibilidad con la realidad del siglo XXI. La experiencia de la inmigración francesa es muy distinta a la de otros países europeos, ya que Francia está marcada por su historia colonial, el idealismo republicano, una estructura gubernamental estrictamente centralizada y unas tradiciones arraigadas de xenofobia. Ciertamente, la política francesa del siglo XIX de la mission civilisatrice (misión civilizadora) influye aún hoy en la política francesa sobre inmigración: más que aceptar las diferencias culturales, el Gobierno francés exige que todos sus ciudadanos se adhieran a una identidad "francesa" rígida y exclusiva. Los hijos de la generación de inmigrantes a los que el Gobierno francés alentó activamente a ir a Francia para impulsar la expansión de la postguerra se encuentran ahora sin trabajo y marginados de la sociedad. Las estructuras sociales del Estado, encaminadas a disminuir la disparidad entre clases sociales, tales como la vivienda y la educación públicas, contribuyen generalmente a agravar los problemas más que a solucionarlos: las viviendas públicas son lamentablemente inadecuadas y la estructura educativa institucionaliza la escasa calidad de las escuelas de las comunidades de inmigrantes. A pesar de este panorama en general poco prometedor, los franceses han logrado recientemente algunos progresos hacia una mejor integración de sus comunidades inmigrantes, aunque estos esfuerzos se encuentran a menudo con una oposición demagógica y populista ampliamente extendida. [source]

SUCCESSFUL AND UNSUCCESSFUL PARTICIPATORY ARRANGEMENTS: WHY IS THERE A PARTICIPATORY MOVEMENT AT THE LOCAL LEVEL?

JOURNAL OF URBAN AFFAIRS, Issue 3 2010
LAURENCE BHERER
ABSTRACT:,The objective of this article is to explore some of the reasons for the growing number of participatory arrangements at the local level. An approach in terms of governance allows us to examine the underlying patterns of logic that induce public authorities to develop new policy tools such as participatory arrangements. Our study focuses on a medium-sized French city, Bordeaux, where eight types of relatively weak participatory arrangements have been implemented since 1995. The article shows that the French government and European Union have fostered this type of arrangement through a complex series of public programs and policies with the aim of rebuilding their political legitimacy by encouraging participation at the municipal level. This approach is relevant to understanding the origin of the reforms affecting local governments over the past decade. [source]

Sustainable development strategies in France: institutional settings, policy style and political discourse

ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY AND GOVERNANCE, Issue 1 2004
Joseph Szarka
The sustainable development (SD) strategies of two successive French governments, led by Prime Ministers Jospin (1997,2002) and Raffarin (from 2002), are compared and analysed in relation to three debates: (i) the influence of institutional settings and levels of continuity between international, European and national policy frameworks; (ii) compatibility between SD policy frames, national policy style and institutional capacity and (iii) relationships between traditional political discourses and SD discourse. Difficulties in achieving a good ,fit' are identified in each of these areas, explanations are offered and implications for future developments outlined. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [source]