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Foreign Relations (foreign + relation)

Distribution by Scientific Domains
Humanities and Social Sciences80%

Selected Abstracts

Some Perspectives in U.S. Foreign Relations

DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 3 2007
Walter Lafeber
First page of article [source]

Ethnicity, Class, and Wilsonian Internationalism Reconsidered: The Mexican-American and Irish-American Immigrant Left and U.S. Foreign Relations, 1915,1922

DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 4 2001
Elizabeth McKillen
First page of article [source]

The United States and the Cyprus crisis of 1974

INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, Issue 1 2009
GEOFFREY WARNER
Based upon two recently published volumes of the Foreign Relations of the United States series of declassified diplomatic documents for the period of the Nixon and Ford presidencies, this article focuses upon the crisis which erupted in Cyprus in the summer of 1974 at the time of the transition between the two administrations. A Greek-sponsored coup on the island led to a Turkish invasion and the threat of war between two of America's NATO allies and culminated in the collapse of the Greek military junta and the de facto partition of Cyprus. Emphasis is placed upon the role of Henry Kissinger and his advisers in their efforts to defuse the crisis, efforts which were only partially successful. The conspiracy theories which surround the episode are found wanting and the limitations of the Anglo,American ,special relationship' highlighted. [source]

Foreign Policy Gaps between Citizens and Leaders

INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2000
Benjamin I. Page
Persistent gaps between the policy preferences of leaders and those of citizens are problematic from the point of view of democratic theory. Examination of the foreign policy preferences of samples of citizens and leaders from seven Chicago Council on Foreign Relations (CCFR) surveys between 1974 and 1998 reveals many differences of 30, 40, and even 50 percentage points. Often a majority of the public has disagreed with a majority of leaders. Some of the same gaps have persisted over the full 24-year period of these surveys. The pattern of gaps is considerably more complicated than a simple difference in degree of commitment to internationalism. Citizens have generally put a higher priority than leaders on expanding domestic programs like Social Security, crime fighting, and health care, and have been more eager to cut foreign economic aid. But there have not been substantial gaps with respect to defense spending or military aid. More members of the public than leaders emphasize foreign policy goals related to protecting Americans' jobs and ensuring Americans' health and physical security (e.g., from terrorism, drugs, and epidemic diseases). Citizens have been more reluctant than leaders to use U.S. troops in most circumstances, but the opposite is true of situations involving Latin America. Citizens have been more willing to bomb than to commit troops, though not indiscriminately so, and many more citizens than leaders oppose selling weapons abroad. Fewer members of the public than leaders have favored most kinds of cooperative relationships with adversary countries. But more members of the public than leaders generally support the United Nations, and more favor multilateralism in general. About the same number of citizens as leaders have supported NATO. Some of these gaps may reflect lower levels of attention to foreign affairs and lower levels of information among the public than among leaders, but many of the gaps may instead reflect different values and interests. In cases where the public is ill-informed, persistent gaps suggest a failure of leaders to educate and persuade. Where public opinion is well-informed and deliberative, democratic theory would seem to call for responsiveness by policymakers. [source]

Condemning Khartoum: The Illinois Divestment Act and Foreign Relations

AMERICAN BUSINESS LAW JOURNAL, Issue 2 2006
Lucien J. Dhooge
First page of article [source]

Resurgent Academic Interest in the Council on Foreign Relations

POLITICS, Issue 1 2001
Inderjeet Parmar
This article is based around a review of five books on the Council on Foreign Relations, an elite American foreign affairs think-tank, written during the 1990s. It aims to consider some of the reasons for this upsurge in academic interest in the CFR, the character of the books themselves, and how they approach and analyse the organisation. In so doing, the article takes a critical stance to the literature and suggests what a more adequate theoretical approach to the CFR might look like. [source]

Is Thabo Mbeki Africa's Saviour?

INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, Issue 4 2003
Gerrit Olivier
Foreign relations are the main preoccupation of South African president, Thabo Mbeki. His role perception is dominated by a mission to improve the plight of Africa, and second to that, to act as the Third World's überdiplomat. Under his administration, South Africa's foreign policy has become almost an adjunct of his more holistic diplomatic pursuits. The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) is the magnum opus of Mbeki's foreign policy, and the success or failure of this grand design for an African renaissance will determine his legacy and make or break his leadership in South Africa and in the rest of Africa. The success of his NEPAD diplomacy is a daunting task, requiring the support of his African peers, his South African constituency, and the leadership of the developed nations of the world. Dealing with these diverse elements, Mbeki's policy-making oscillates between realism and idealism, and between ideology and interests, giving the impression of a style of a prudent bureaucrat rather than that of a single-minded reformer. In the end, his diplomacy seems to founder because it fails to satisfy the contradictory demands of any of these three constituencies. However, even if NEPAD should fail as a project, its role could be that of a harbinger of a new political and economic era in Africa and the movement away from post-colonial orthodoxy. [source]

An Eleventh-Century View of Chinese Ethnic Policy: Sima Guang on the Fall of Western Jin

JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 3 2007
MARK STRANGE
It fell to these barbarian usurpers in 317. Throughout the eleventh century, the Northern Song dynasty (960,1127) felt its sovereignty endangered by foreign states to the north. Parallels between the ethnic policies of Western Jin and Northern Song emerge from the representation of Western Jin's dynastic fortunes that the eleventh-century statesman and historian Sima Guang (1019,1086) offered in his famous chronicle, Zizhi tongjian (A Comprehensive Mirror to Aid Government). The present article takes that text as its focus. It examines the textual and ideological spin that Sima Guang gave his account of fourth-century ethnic tensions. It argues that his characterisation of the barbarians that threatened Western Jin resonated with his response to eleventh-century foreign relations. And it shows that for Sima Guang the integrity of the Chinese imperial state, and even Chinese identity, was at stake. [source]

International political marketing: a case study of its application in China

JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 4 2007
Henry H. Sun
The practice of International Political Marketing can be seen increasingly in the foreign relations of independent states. A review of relevant Political Marketing and International Relations publications reveals close linkage between the two. Based on the review, this paper categorizes political marketing into three aspects: the election aspect, the governing aspect (permanent campaign) and the international aspect of political marketing. The focus of this study is on international political marketing which was defined based on the review. This paper then reports a case study of the utilization of International Political Marketing by the government of the People's Republic of China. It looks at the recent events of China's accession of the WTO in 2001, China's hosting of Sino-African Summit in 2006 and the on going promotion of China's image of ,Peaceful Development and Cooperation'. The paper advances the argument that practically all nation states and international organizations apply International Political Marketing to both their strategic planning as well as conduct of day-to-day affairs. The paper concludes that there is a great demand both at a theoretical as well as practical level for International Political Marketing, requiring further study. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]