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Foreign Policy (foreign + policy)
Kinds of Foreign Policy Terms modified by Foreign Policy Selected AbstractsFebruary 15, or What Binds Europeans Together: A Plea for a Common Foreign Policy, Beginning in the Core of EuropeCONSTELLATIONS: AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CRITICAL AND DEMOCRATIC THEORY, Issue 3 2003Jürgen Habermas First page of article [source] Christian Zionism and the Formulation of Foreign PolicyDIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 3 2010Lawrence Davidson First page of article [source] The Congressional Debate over U.S. Participation in the Congress of Panama, 1825,1826: Washington's Farewell Address, Monroe's Doctrine, and the Fundamental Principles of U.S. Foreign PolicyDIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 5 2006Jeffrey J. Malanson First page of article [source] "Nothing to Seek and . . . Nothing to Defend": George F. Kennan's Core Values and American Foreign Policy, 1938,1993*DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 5 2006Joshua Botts First page of article [source] 9/11 and American Foreign Policy*DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 3 2005Melvyn P. Leffler First page of article [source] Race, Water, and Foreign Policy:DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 1 2004The Tennessee Valley Authority's Global Agenda Meets "Jim Crow" First page of article [source] Unions and Cold War Foreign Policy in the 1980s: The National Labor Committee, the AFL-CIO, and Central AmericaDIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 3 2002Andrew Battista [source] Crossing the Color Line in Little Rock: The Eisenhower Administration and the Dilemma of Race for U.S. Foreign PolicyDIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 2 2000Cary Fraser First page of article [source] The New Legitimacy and International Legitimation: Civilization and South African Foreign Policy,FOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 2 2010Derick Becker In the years since the end of apartheid, South Africa has emerged from its status as an international pariah to a full fledged member of the international community. Riding a wave of new found legitimacy bolstered by a heroic myth surrounding President Mandela, South Africa began to rethink its role in the world. Perhaps more than Mandela, however, former President Thabo Mbeki laid claim to the title of Africa's spokesman to the world. Mbeki, through his African Renaissance, cast himself as the embodiment of the modern, postcolonial African blending African tradition and symbolism with the rhetoric of free markets and good governance. What this paper argues is that Mbeki's Renaissance highlights both what constitutes legitimate policies and behavior and the role of legitimacy and legitimation itself in international relations. [source] Stalin's Demands: Constructions of the "Soviet Other" in Turkey's Foreign Policy, 1919,1945FOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 1 2010vanç Co Standard accounts on Turkey's foreign policy identify Molotov's communication of 1945 (better known as "Stalin's demands") as the catalyst behind Turkey's post-WWII decision to strain its relations with the USSR and turn to the United States (US) for defense support. The aim here is to complement these accounts which have stressed the military and ideological threat posed by the USSR as the catalyst behind Turkey's foreign policy change, by offering an analysis that explores the conditions of possibility for such change. The aim here is not to question the seriousness of the risks involved in failing to stand firm against the USSR in the immediate post-WWII period. Nor is it to dispute the appropriateness of Turkey's search for "Western" allies at a time when its economic, political and military vulnerabilities were acknowledged by friend and foe alike. The following mediates through accounts that stress the military threat and those that emphasize the ideological threat and presents an analysis that looks into the production of representations of the USSR as a "threat" to Turkey and the context which allowed for the production of such representations of the USSR. [source] Realism, Prediction, and Foreign PolicyFOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 3 2009Samuel Barkin Attempts by some contemporary realists to both claim that international politics are objectively predictable and at the same time prescribe particular foreign policies cannot hold together logically, because they are internally contradictory. The core argument of this article is that these attempts not only fail to fulfill their goal, but that the attempt to be scientific, to see the world as predictable, is ontologically incompatible with the core insight of classical realism, that we must see the world as it is, rather than as we want it to be. There are two ramifications of this observation for a realism that is not internally contradictory. The first is that a prescriptive realism must be a theory of foreign policy, not a theory of systems structure. And the second is that a realism that works as a theory of foreign policy prediction needs to be reflexive, needs to examine its own assumptions and biases as an integral part of the process of studying international politics. [source] Modeling Foreign Policy and Ethnic Conflict: Turkey's Policies Towards SyriaFOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 1 2009Carolyn C. James First page of article [source] Subnational Foreign Policy Actors: How and Why Governors Participate in U.S. Foreign PolicyFOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 3 2008Samuel Lucas McMillan U.S. governors lead overseas missions seeking investment and promoting trade, establish international offices, meet with heads of government, receive ambassadors, and take positions on foreign policy. This paper describes how governors are involved in participating in U.S. foreign policy, explains why governors seek to voice their views and play an active role in working with leaders and issues beyond their state's borders, and argues that U.S. states and governors need to be better conceptualized and considered in both international relations theory and foreign policy analysis. This study reveals that governors with greater institutional powers,such as appointment and budgetary control,as well as personal powers,derived from their electoral mandate, ambition, and public approval,are more likely to have higher degrees of foreign policy activity. These actions are more likely to take place during wartime and also from governors representing U.S. states bordering Canada or Mexico. [source] Taking It to the Extreme: The Effect of Coalition Cabinets on Foreign PolicyFOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 1 2008Juliet Kaarbo Institutional constraints have been offered by some scholars as an explanation for why multiparty coalitions should be more peaceful than single-party cabinets. Yet others see the same institutional setting as a prescription for more aggressive behavior. Recent research has investigated these conflicting expectations, but with mixed results. We examine the theoretical bases for these alternative expectations about the effects of coalition politics on foreign policy. We find that previous research is limited theoretically by confounding institutional effects with policy positions, and empirically by analyzing only international conflict data. We address these limitations by examining cases of foreign policy behavior using the World Event/Interaction Survey (WEIS) dataset. Consistent with our observation that institutional constraints have been confounded with policy positions, we find that coalitions are neither more aggressive nor more peaceful, but do engage in more extreme foreign policy behaviors. These findings are discussed with regard to various perspectives on the role of institutions in shaping foreign policy behavior. [source] Political Islam and Foreign Policy in Europe and the United StatesFOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 4 2007Elizabeth Shakman Hurd This paper is about the epistemological underpinnings of European and American foreign policy toward political Islam. European and American approaches to political Islam rely upon commonly held secular assumptions about religion and politics that have significant effects on foreign policy in Europe and the United States. Secularist epistemology produces an understanding of "normal politics" that lends a particular coloring to the politics of Muslim-majority societies. These secularist understandings affect foreign policy in two ways: first, the appearance of Islam in politics is equated with fundamentalism and intolerance, and second, the forms and degrees of separation between Islam and politics that do exist in contemporary Muslim-majority societies either do not appear at all or appear as ill-fitting imitations of a Western secular ideal. Rather than a backlash against modernity or a return to tradition, political Islam is a modern language of politics that challenges and, at times, overturns fundamental assumptions about religion and politics embedded in Western forms of secularism. [source] Predicting a State's Foreign Policy: State Preferences between Domestic and International ConstraintsFOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 3 2007Gerry C. Alons In order to understand a state's foreign policy preferences, we need to take both its domestic and international considerations into account. This article aims to contribute to the analysis of foreign policy by exploring the conditions under which states will either give precedence to domestic or international incentives. Two central variables are used to generate predictions on the expected primacy of either level. The first variable is "internal polarity", that is, the degree of concentration of power in the hands of the government relative to society. The second variable is "external polarity", referring to the degree of centralization of power in the international system. It will be argued that various combinations of scores on these variables affect the formation of foreign policy preferences differently. When internal polarity is low and external polarity is high, domestic considerations will be decisive. On the contrary, when internal polarity is high and external polarity is low, international considerations will be decisive. With respect to the other two combinations, process variables such as the degree of domestic mobilization and the sensitivity of the government are expected to gain particular importance in tilting the balance towards either domestic or international considerations. A preliminary test of the theoretical framework is provided by applying it to French and German preference formation on the 1988 CAP-reform and the agricultural aspects of the Uruguay Round of GATT-negotiations between 1990 and 1993. [source] Discourses and Ethics: The Social Construction of British Foreign PolicyFOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 4 2006JAMIE GASKARTH The last decade has given rise to a wealth of literature on the ethics of British foreign policy. However, much of this has focused on a few narrow issues based around specific policy actions. As such, it has largely been reactive and mirrored governmental attitudes to the possibilities in foreign policy and the constraints under which decisions are made. Important issues, such as how the concepts of foreign policy and ethics have been described and enacted historically in Britain, the political effects of these past readings, and how the idea of discussing ethics should be so controversial, are underexplored. To investigate these naturalized understandings, this article conducts a discourse analysis of the articulation of foreign policy in Hansard over the last century. In doing so, it seeks to explore how past expressions of foreign policy and ethics privilege certain ways of thinking about policy and exclude others through their modes of description. The effect of these structures, it is argued, is to suppress democratic dissent and individual accountability and marginalize discussion on the (contestable) ethical basis of policy making and policy behavior. [source] Understanding the Unilateralist Turn in U.S. Foreign PolicyFOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 2 2005David Skidmore How should we explain the recent unilateralist turn in U.S. foreign policy? Some accounts treat growing American unilateralism as a passing aberration attributable to the neoconservative ideology of the Bush administration. This paper, by contrast, traces U.S. unilateralism to the structural effects, at home and abroad, of the end of the Cold War. Internationally, the removal of the Soviet threat has undermined the "institutional bargain" that once guided relations between the U.S. and its major allies. Absent Cold War imperatives, the U.S. is less willing to provide collective goods through strong international institutions and other states are less likely to defer to U.S. demands for special privileges that exempt the U.S. from normal multilateral constraints. Domestically, the end of the Cold War has weakened the ability of presidents to resist the appeals of powerful veto players whose interests are threatened by multilateral commitments. These factors suggest that American unilateralism may have deeper roots and more staying power than many expect. [source] Bridging the Realist/Constructivist Divide: The Case of the Counterrevolution in Soviet Foreign Policy at the End of the Cold WarFOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 1 2005Robert S. Snyder The surprising end of the Cold War has led to a debate within international relations (IR) theory. Constructivists have argued that the end of the Cold War is best explained in terms of ideas and agency,specifically Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev's new thinking. A few realists have countered that Soviet material decline was "endogenous" to the new ideas. Can these two theoretical perspectives be reconciled with respect to this case? They can be partially integrated with a path-dependent strategy that places an emphasis on "institutions." Nevertheless, explaining the end of the Cold War largely requires a theory of Soviet foreign policy and its relation to the state. As a former or ossified revolutionary state, Soviet foreign policy for at least several years was largely based on the principle of externalization: outside threats were used to rationalize radical centralization, repression, and the dominance of the Party. In using the USSR's institutionalized legacy as a revolutionary state, Gorbachev acted as a counterrevolutionary and reversed this process with his revolution in foreign policy. In creating a new peaceful international order, he sought,through the "second image reversed",to promote radical decentralization, liberalization, and the emergence of a new coalition. The case examines how Gorbachev's domestic goals drove his foreign policy from 1985 to 1991. [source] On Morality, Self-interest and Foreign PolicyGOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 2 2002Chris Brown First page of article [source] A Rogue is a Rogue is a Rogue: US Foreign Policy and the Korean Nuclear CrisisINTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, Issue 4 2003Roland Bleiker Two nuclear crises recently haunted the Korean peninsula, one in 1993/4, the other in 2002/3. In each case the events were strikingly similar: North Korea made public its ambition to acquire nuclear weapons and withdrew from the Nonproliferation Treaty. Then the situation rapidly deteriorated until the peninsular was literally on the verge of war. The dangers of North Korea's actions, often interpreted as nuclear brinkmanship, are evident and much discussed, but not so the underlying patterns that have shaped the conflict in the first place. This article sheds light on some of them. It examines the role of the United States in the crisis, arguing that Washington's inability to see North Korea as anything but a threatening ,rogue state' seriously hinders both an adequate understanding and possible resolution of the conflict. Particularly significant is the current policy of pre-emptive strikes against rogue states, for it reinforces half a century of American nuclear threats towards North Korea. The problematic role of these threats has been largely obscured, not least because the highly technical discourse of security analysis has managed to present the strategic situation on the peninsula in a manner that attributes responsibility for the crisis solely to North Korea's actions, even if the situation is in reality far more complex and interactive. [source] When and How Parliaments Influence Foreign Policy: The Case of Turkey's Iraq DecisionINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 1 2010Baris Kesgin Turkey's decision on its role in the Iraq war in 2003 illustrates the power,and limits,of parliaments as actors in foreign policy. Traditionally, assemblies are not seen as important players in the foreign policies of parliamentary democracies. Instead, cabinets are generally considered the chief policymaking authorities. If the government enjoys a parliamentary majority, legislatures typically support the cabinet, if they are brought into the process at all. The March 1, 2003 vote by the Turkish parliament to not allow the United States to use Turkey as a base for the Iraq invasion challenges this conventional wisdom on parliamentary influence (in addition to many interest-based explanations of foreign policy). This paper examines this decision in the context of the role of parliaments in foreign policies and explores the relationships between parliamentary influence, leadership, intraparty politics, and public opinion. [source] Ethics and Foreign Policy: Structured Debates for the International Studies ClassroomINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 2 2004Jeffrey S. Lantis Debates about humanitarian intervention, foreign and defense policy priorities, and the ethics of the use of force have become highly politicized in the post-Cold War era. This article explores the value of structured classroom debates on ethical dimensions of international relations as active teaching and learning tools for introductory and advanced international studies courses. Specifically, this article presents design information for structured debates on the ethics of the use of military force, humanitarian interventions, and U.S. foreign policy toward international institutions such as the International Criminal Court (ICC). Building on the literature on active teaching and learning, the article describes the development of these exercises and assesses their effectiveness through ten years of classroom application. [source] Samuel Huntington and the Geopolitics of American Identity: The Function of Foreign Policy in America's Domestic Clash of CivilizationsINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 2 2003Emad El-Din Aysha Abstract The clash of civilizations thesis's true origins lie partly in problems Samuel Huntington sees brewing in his own country. His thesis is to a considerable extent an externalization of these troubles,,an attempt to solve them through international means, while serving U.S. national interests in tandem. As a scholar of American exceptionalism Huntington is,,explicitly and openly,,concerned about the political unity and cultural homogeneity of his country in the absence of the existential threat of world Communism. He sees "multiculturalism" and excessive immigration threatening America's dominant Anglo-Saxon, Protestant, English culture and its libertarian political values. Right-wing "anti-federalism" is threatening the authority and very existence of the federal government, while "commercialism," the elevation of commercial interests above all else among economic and political elites, intensifies the class conflict roots of much anti-federalism. The solution to these myriad problems is a foreign threat, whether real or perceived; hence, the clash of civilizations. [source] Teaching Foreign Policy with MemoirsINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 2 2002Terry L. Deibel Excerpts from the memoirs of high foreign policy officials, if carefully selected and structured, can be a valuable resource in the teaching of diplomatic history, American foreign policy, and international relations. Two decades of teaching a memoirs-only course to mid-career military officers and foreign affairs professionals in a seminar discussion format reveals many of their advantages. Memoirs are interesting reading that rarely fail to engage a reader's attention; they impart detailed knowledge of historical events; they provide a rich understanding of process and the neglected area of policy implementation; like case studies, they let students build vicarious experience in policymaking and execution; and they often provide what Alexander George called "policy-relevant generalizations." While lack of objectivity can be a serious drawback of first-person accounts, it provides its own lessons on the nature of history and can be offset by using multiple accounts of the same events and by combining memoirs with documents and historical works, or countering analytical studies. Although picking the most interesting and worthwhile excerpts, getting them in students' hands, and accommodating their length within the boundaries of a standard college course are additional challenges, professors who take them on should find that memoirs add a new level of excitement and realism to their courses. [source] How Decision Units Shape Foreign Policy: A Theoretical FrameworkINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 2 2001Margaret G. Hermann First page of article [source] Managing a Multilevel Foreign Policy: The EU in International Affairs , Edited by P. Foradori, P. Rosa and R. ScartezziniJCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 1 2009JOACHIM KOOPS No abstract is available for this article. [source] The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign PolicyMIDDLE EAST POLICY, Issue 3 2006John J. Mearsheimer First page of article [source] Iranian Foreign Policy Towards Occupied Iraq, 2003,05MIDDLE EAST POLICY, Issue 4 2005Kamran Taremi [source] U.S. Foreign Policy in the Korean PeninsulaPACIFIC FOCUS, Issue 1 2001Karl DeRouen Jr. First page of article [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||