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Family Growth (family + growth)
Selected AbstractsFactors Associated With Multiple-Partner Fertility Among FathersJOURNAL OF MARRIAGE AND FAMILY, Issue 2 2008Jennifer Manlove This article uses a sample of 1,731 fathers aged 16 , 45 from the 2002 National Survey of Family Growth to identify factors associated with multiple-partner fertility. Almost one third of fathers who reported multiple-partner fertility did so across a series of nonmarital relationships, and nonmarital-only multiple-partner fertility has been increasing across recent cohorts of men. Being older, having a first sexual experience or a first child at a young age, and fathering a child outside of marriage or cohabitation are associated with greater odds of multiple-partner fertility, whereas having additional children with the first birth mother is associated with reduced odds. Black, Hispanic, and young fathers have especially high odds of experiencing multiple-partner fertility across a series of nonmarital relationships. [source] Premarital Sex, Premarital Cohabitation, and the Risk of Subsequent Marital Dissolution Among WomenJOURNAL OF MARRIAGE AND FAMILY, Issue 2 2003Jay Teachman Using nationally representative data from the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth, I estimate the association between intimate premarital relationships (premarital sex and premarital cohabitation) and subsequent marital dissolution. I extend previous research by considering relationship histories pertaining to both premarital sex and premarital cohabitation. I find that premarital sex or premarital cohabitation that is limited to a woman's husband is not associated with an elevated risk of marital disruption. However, women who have more than one intimate premarital relationship have an increased risk of marital dissolution. These results suggest that neither premarital sex nor premarital cohabitation by itself indicate either preexisting characteristics or subsequent relationship environments that weaken marriages. Indeed, the findings are consistent with the notion that premarital sex and cohabitation limited to one's future spouse has become part of the normal courtship process for marriage. [source] Marriage patterns among unwed mothers: Before and after PRWORAJOURNAL OF POLICY ANALYSIS AND MANAGEMENT, Issue 3 2008Deborah Roempke Graefe The promotion of marriage and two-parent families became an explicit public policy goal with the passage of the 1996 welfare reform bill. Marriage has the putative effect of reducing welfare dependency among single mothers, but only if they marry men with earnings sufficient to lift them and their children out of poverty. Newly released data from the 2002 cycle of the National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG), along with data from the 1995 cycle, allow us to compare pre- and post-PRWORA differences in (1) cumulative marriage rates among unwed mothers, and (2) patterns of marital choice (that is, differences in characteristics of the men these mothers marry, such as their education and employment status). Overall, our results show that unwed childbearing is associated with lower marriage rates and marital quality. Difference-in-difference models show that welfare reform was not strongly associated with pre- and post-welfare reform changes in marriage among nonmarital birth mothers, even among the most disadvantaged mothers. Compared with other women, nonmarital birth mothers also were less likely than other women to marry "economically attractive" men in the post-welfare reform period. The success of marriage promotion initiatives may depend heavily on whether women themselves are "marriageable" and whether potential spouses have the ability to support a stable family life. © 2008 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management. [source] Changes in Formal Sex Education: 1995,2002PERSPECTIVES ON SEXUAL AND REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH, Issue 4 2006Laura Duberstein Lindberg CONTEXT: Although comprehensive sex education is broadly supported by health professionals, funding for abstinence-only education has increased. METHODS: Using data from the 1995 National Survey of Adolescent Males, the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG) and the 2002 NSFG, changes in male and female adolescents'reports of the sex education they have received from formal sources were examined. Life-table methods were used to measure the timing of instruction, and t tests were used for changes over time. RESULTS: From 1995 to 2002, reports of formal instruction about birth control methods declined among both genders (males, from 81% to 66%; females, from 87% to 70%). This, combined with increases in reports of abstinence education among males (from 74% to 83%), resulted in a lower proportion of teenagers'overall receiving formal instruction about both abstinence and birth control methods (males, 65% to 59%; females, 84% to 65%), and a higher proportion of teenagers'receiving instruction only about abstinence (males, 9% to 24%; females, 8% to 21%). Teenagers in 2002 had received abstinence education about two years earlier (median age, 11.4 for males, 11.8 for females) than they had received birth control instruction (median age, 13.5 for both males and females). Among sexually experienced adolescents, 62% of females and 54% of males had received instruction about birth control methods prior to first sex. CONCLUSIONS: A substantial retreat from formal instruction about birth control methods has left increasing proportions of adolescents receiving only abstinence education. Efforts are needed to expand teenagers'access to medically accurate and comprehensive reproductive health information. [source] Why primiparous mothers do not breastfeed in the United States: a national surveyACTA PAEDIATRICA, Issue 11 2003JS Taylor Aim: To investigate primiparous women's primary reason for not breastfeeding. Methods: We used the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth to analyze the breastfeeding behaviors of a national probability sample of 6733 first-time US mothers, aged 15 to 44 y. Main outcome measures in this cross-sectional study were the reasons for never breastfeeding and reasons for stopping breastfeeding using closed-ended, multiple choice questions. Results: Most commonly, women did not breastfeed because they "preferred to bottle feed" (66.3%). The most common reason for stopping breastfeeding was that the child was "old enough to wean" (35.7%), although 15%, 34%, 54%, and 78% of those women had stopped breastfeeding by 3, 6, 9, and 12 mo, respectively. "Physical or medical problem" was reported by 14.9% of women who did not breastfeed and 26.9% of women who had stopped breastfeeding, making it the second most common reason for not breastfeeding in each group. There were significant differences across racial and ethnic groups. Conclusion: Additional studies are needed to better understand why women "prefer to bottle feed", especially black women. Increasingly effective programs and policies to promote breastfeeding will logically follow. Since physical and medical problems are such common reasons both for never breastfeeding and for stopping breastfeeding, individual healthcare providers can have a significant impact on breastfeeding rates and duration. [source] | ||||||||||