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African Cities (african + city)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	83%

Selected Abstracts

THE CITY AS BARRACKS: Freetown, Monrovia, and the Organization of Violence in Postcolonial African Cities

CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue 3 2007
DANNY HOFFMAN
Responding to characterizations of the postcolonial African city as a negative space, theorists of African urban processes have begun to focus on the city's unique modes of production. But what does this emphasis on productive capacity mean if "the city" is not Johannesburg or Nairobi but the West African urban warscape of Freetown or Monrovia? I explore that question by examining how the labor of male urban youth is organized according to the logic of the barracks. I suggest that these West African capitals make labor simultaneously available for use on regional battlefields or mines, logging camps, or rubber plantations. Focusing on the Brookfields Hotel in central Freetown and Monrovia's Duala neighborhood underscores how urban spaces are increasingly configured by the structure and function of the barracks: as spaces for the organization and deployment of violent labor. [source]

Walking the Tight Rope: Informal Livelihoods and Social Networks in a West African City , By Ilda Lourenço-Lindell

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 4 2007
Kate MeagherArticle first published online: 13 DEC 200
No abstract is available for this article. [source]

HIV Epidemics in Africa: What Explains the Variations in HIV Prevalence?

IUBMB LIFE, Issue 4-5 2002
Anne Buvé
Abstract There are large differences in the prevalence of HIV infection between different regions in sub-Saharan Africa, ranging from less than 10% in pregnant women in most of West Africa, to over 25% in pregnant women in large cities in Eastern and Southern Africa. These differences in HIV prevalence are in many instances due to differences in rate of spread of the virus. The multicenter study on factors determining the differential spread of HIV in four African cities tried to identify factors that could explain differences in spread of HIV between different regions in sub-Saharan Africa. The study was conducted in four cities, including two cities with a relatively low HIV prevalence (Cotonou in Bénin and Yaoundé in Cameroon) and two cities with a high HIV prevalence (Kisumu in Kenya and Ndola in Zambia). The difference in HIV prevalence between the four cities could not be explained by differences in sexual behavior. Any differences in sexual behavior were outweighed by differences in factors that influence HIV transmission, i.e. male circumcision and HSV-2 infection. These findings have important implications for the design of interventions. [source]

Front and Back Covers, Volume 24, Number 4.

ANTHROPOLOGY TODAY, Issue 4 2008
August 200
Front cover and back cover caption, volume 24 issue 4 Front cover Front cover: Front cover The front cover of this issue illustrates Vasiliki P. Neofotistos' article on the 2006 film Borat: Cultural learnings of America for make benefit glorious nation of Kazakhstan. In the film, British comedian Sacha Baron Cohen plays Borat Sagdiyev, a Kazakh journalist, who leaves his country on a project funded by the Ministry of Information to travel with his film producer to ,US and A, the greatest country in the world' and make a ,movie film' about American culture, with the putative aim of gaining insights into what makes America great and applying them to Kazakhstan. The film has generated contrasting reactions, ranging from CNN's praise of it as ,most excellent comedy' to lawsuits filed by, among others, residents of the Romanian village in which part of the film was shot. Borat has been condemned as deeply offensive to women, Kazakhs, fraternity brothers and Jews alike. In this issue Neofotistos focuses on some of the lessons that Western audiences could potentially take away from the film, using the notion of the grotesque as a tool to read Borat as an allegory of America that invites us to revisit aspects of our own culture and hence as a highly appropriate film for our times. Back cover Back cover: ,FORTRESS' SOUTH AFRICA? A South African and a foreigner find common ground in Islam. The two men are about to enter a mosque in downtown Pretoria for Friday prayers. Prayers at this mosque provide a meeting ground for Muslim men and women from all over Africa, and from Pakistan, India, Bangladesh and Afghanistan. Foreigners attending the mosque range from diplomats to illegal immigrants. Significant numbers of black South Africans from all walks of life have converted to Islam in recent years. In this issue John Sharp shows that there are many circumstances in which - as in this photograph - South Africans and foreigners from elsewhere in Africa pursue shared interests peacefully. Anthropological field research points to the range of these contexts, which have largely been ignored by commentators attempting to explain the episode of mass ,xenophobic' violence that wracked South African cities and towns in May 2008. Explanations focus on the xenophobic attitudes of ordinary South Africans, and link these attitudes to competition for resources between locals who are poor and their equally poor counterparts from further north. Recent research indicates, however, not only that relationships between poor South Africans and poor foreigners are more complex than most commentators allow, but also that South African xenophobia begins at the top, among the leaders of the ANC government and the black and white elites whose interests it serves. Sharp argues that a newly-issued report on the xenophobic violence by a government-orientated think tank reproduces the dominant xenophobic discourse in its recommendation that the state should construct a ,Fortress SA' with impenetrable borders, while seeking to mask its adherence to official discourse by representing its proposals as a response to the xenophobic attitudes of poor South Africans. As Sharp suggests, anthropological research might offer a more nuanced response to the issues. [source]

,Fortress SA': Xenophobic violence in South Africa

ANTHROPOLOGY TODAY, Issue 4 2008
John Sharp
There are many circumstances in which South Africans and foreigners from elsewhere in Africa pursue shared interests peacefully. Anthropological field research points to a range of these circumstances, which have largely been ignored by commentators attempting to explain the episode of mass,xenophobic'violence that wracked South African cities and towns in May 2008. Explanations such as the one criticised in this article focus on the xenophobic attitudes of ordinary South Africans, and link these attitudes to competition for resources between locals who are poor and their equally poor counterparts from further north. Recent research indicates, however, not only that relationships between poor South Africans and poor foreigners are more complex than most commentators allow, but also that South African xenophobia begins at the top, among the leaders of the ANC government and the black and white elites whose interests it serves. This article argues that a newly-issued report on the xenophobic violence by a government-orientated think tank reproduces the dominant xenophobic discourse in its recommendation that the state should construct a,Fortress SA'with impenetrable borders. Yet this report seeks to mask its adherence to official discourse by representing its proposals as a response to the xenophobic attitudes of poor South Africans. [source]