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Empire
Kinds of Empire Selected AbstractsTO THINK LIKE AN EMPIRE,HISTORY AND THEORY, Issue 2 2007Prasenjit Duara First page of article [source] ILLUSIONS OF POWER AND EMPIRE,HISTORY AND THEORY, Issue 4 2005JAMES N. ROSENAU ABSTRACT Subsequent to the end of the Cold War, analysts groped for an understanding of the overall structures of world politics that marked the emergence of a new epoch. As a result, the concept of empire became a major preoccupation, with the economic and military power of the United States considered sufficient for regarding it as an empire. Due to the proliferation of new microelectronic technologies and for a variety of other specified reasons, however, the constraints inherent in the new epoch make it seem highly unlikely that the U.S. or any other country can ever achieve the status of an empire. In effect, the substantial shrinkage of time and distance in the current period has led to the replacement of the age of the nation-state that originated with the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 with the age of the networked individual. It is an age that has developed on a global scale and that has brought an end to the history of empires. [source] DEEPLY COLOURED AND BLACK GLASS IN THE NORTHERN PROVINCES OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE: DIFFERENCES AND SIMILARITIES IN CHEMICAL COMPOSITION BEFORE AND AFTER ad 150*ARCHAEOMETRY, Issue 5 2009V. VAN DER LINDEN In this work we attempt to elucidate the chronological and geographical origin of deeply coloured and black glass dating between 100 bc and ad 300 on the basis of their major and trace element compositions. Samples from the western and eastern parts of the Roman Empire were analysed. Analytical data were obtained by means of a scanning electron microscope , energy-dispersive system (SEM,EDS, 63 samples analysed) and laser ablation , inductively coupled plasma , mass spectrometry (LA,ICP,MS, 41 samples analysed). Among the glass fragments analysed, dark brown, dark purple and dark green hues could be distinguished. Only among the dark green fragments could a clear compositional distinction be observed between fragments dated to the periods before and after ad 150. In the early samples (first century bc to first century ad), iron, responsible for the green hue, was introduced by using impure sand containing relatively high amounts of Ti. In contrast, a Ti-poor source of iron was employed, containing Sb, Co and Pb in trace quantities, in order to obtain the dark green colour in the later glass samples. The analytical results obtained by combining SEM,EDS and LA,ICP,MS are therefore consistent with a differentiation of glassmaking recipes, detectable in glass composition, occurring in the period around ad 150. [source] FELLOW CITIZENS AND IMPERIAL SUBJECTS: CONQUEST AND SOVEREIGNTY IN EUROPE'S OVERSEAS EMPIRESHISTORY AND THEORY, Issue 4 2005ANTHONY PAGDEN ABSTRACT This article traces the association between the European overseas empires and the concept of sovereignty, arguing that, ever since the days of Cicero,if not earlier,Europeans had clung to the idea that there was a close association between a people and the territory it happened to occupy. This made it necessary to think of an "empire" as a unity,an "immense body," to use Tacitus's phrase,that would embrace all its subjects under a single sovereign. By the end of the eighteenth century it had become possible, in this way, to speak of "empires of liberty" that would operate for the ultimate benefit of all their "citizens," freeing them from previous tyrannical rulers and bringing them under the protection of more benign regimes. In such empires sovereignty could only ever be, as it had become in Europe, undivided. The collapse of Europe's "first" empires in the Americas, however, was followed rapidly by Napoleon's attempt to create a new kind of Empire in Europe. The ultimate, and costly, failure of this project led many, Benjamin Constant among them, to believe that the age of empires was now over and had been replaced by the age of commerce. But what in fact succeeded Napoleon was the modern European state system, which attempted not to replace empire by trade, as Constant had hoped, but to create a new kind of empire, one that sought to minimize domination and settlement, and to make a sharp distinction between imperial ruler and imperial subject. In this kind of empire, sovereignty could only be "divided." Various kinds of divided rule were thus devised in the nineteenth century. Far, however, from being an improvement on the past, this ultimately resulted in,or at least contributed greatly to,the emergence of the largely fictional and inevitably unstable societies that after the final collapse of the European empires became the new states of the "developing world." [source] ,Empire laid up in heaven': postcoloniality and eternityCRITICAL QUARTERLY, Issue 2 2007GRAHAM PECHEY First page of article [source] "Destiny Has Thrown the Negro and the Filipino Under the Tutelage of America": Race and Curriculum in the Age of EmpireCURRICULUM INQUIRY, Issue 4 2009ROLAND SINTOS COLOMA ABSTRACT The article brings together the fields of curriculum studies, history of education, and ethnic studies to chart a transnational history of race, empire, and curriculum. Drawing from a larger study on the history of education in the Philippines under U.S. rule in the early 1900s, it argues that race played a pivotal role in the discursive construction of Filipino/as and that the schooling for African Americans in the U.S. South served as the prevailing template for colonial pedagogy in the archipelago. It employs Michel Foucault's concept of archaeology to trace the racial grammar in popular and official representations, especially in the depiction of colonized Filipino/as as racially Black, and to illustrate its material effects on educational policy and curriculum. The tension between academic and manual-industrial instruction became a site of convergence for Filipino/as and African Americans, with decided implications for the lived trajectories in stratified racialized and colonized communities. [source] Race-Making and Colonial Violence in the U.S. Empire: The Philippine-American War as Race War*DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 2 2006Paul A. Kramer First page of article [source] Viking Pirates and Christian Princes: Dynasty, Religion and Empire in the North Atlantic By Benjamin HudsonEARLY MEDIEVAL EUROPE, Issue 4 2006ALEX WOOLF No abstract is available for this article. [source] The Carolingian response to the revolt of Boso, 879,887EARLY MEDIEVAL EUROPE, Issue 1 2001Simon MacLean The decade leading up to the disintegration of the Carolingian Empire in 887,8 is traditionally characterised by historians as a period when royal authority was in terminal decline, crippled by the deaths of three great rulers in the mid-870s and by the attempt of the non-Carolingian rebel Boso of Vienne to seize a throne in 879. This article challenges the conventional view, and argues that Boso's revolt actually inspired the four surviving Carolingian kings to enter into a period of successful and effective cooperation. They came to a sworn agreement which sealed a new mutually guaranteed succession plan and resolved several outstanding territorial disputes. The end of the empire was brought about neither by internal conflict nor by loss of faith in the royal house, but rather by the premature deaths of a series of heirless rulers and the failure of the last emperor Charles the Fat to organize his succession in 887. [source] Ethos, Empire, and the Valiant Acts of Thomas Kyd's Tragedy of "the Spains"ENGLISH LITERARY RENAISSANCE, Issue 2 2001ERIC GRIFFIN First page of article [source] The Mirror of the Self: Sexuality, Self-Knowledge and the Gaze in the Early Roman Empire,by Shadi BartschGENDER & HISTORY, Issue 1 2010HELEN LOVATT No abstract is available for this article. [source] The Autocracy of Love and the Legitimacy of Empire: Intimacy, Power and Scandal in Nineteenth-Century MetlakahtlahGENDER & HISTORY, Issue 2 2004Adele Perry This paper examines the politics of intimacy, power, and scandal at Metlakahtlah, a Church of England mission village in northern British Columbia, Canada, from 1862 to 1885, in order to cast light on settler colonialism and its aftermath. It particularly examines Metlakahtlah's main missionary, William Duncan, his relationships with young female converts and missionary women, and, perhaps more importantly, the stories that were told about them. Stories of Duncan's relationships with young Tsimshian women that circulated throughout settler society reveal the central place of sexuality to both critiques and defences of imperialism, and cast new light on contemporary politics around the historical experience of Indigenous children in settler colonies like Australia and Canada. [source] The Tung Oil Boom in Australasia: a Network PerspectiveGEOGRAPHICAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2009MICHAEL ROCHE Abstract Ideas about networks are explored in the context of the interest within the British Empire and the United States of America in planting Tung Oil trees (Aleurites fordii) during the 1920s and 1930s. Closer attention is paid to the Australian and New Zealand experience and short-lived enthusiasm for the search for seeds, the collation of information on growth rates, and the planting of Tung trees. The paper briefly distinguishes various types of network research in human geography and concludes by raising some questions about space and time in network approaches in the social sciences more generally. [source] Colonial Networks, Australian Humanitarianism and the History WarsGEOGRAPHICAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2006ALAN LESTER Abstract The ,History Wars' have brought contests among Britons over the colonisation of Aboriginal land and people to the forefront of public consciousness in Australia. These contests, however, were the result of trajectories that criss-crossed British imperial spaces, connecting Australia with other settler colonies and the British metropole. A number of historians and historical geographers have recently employed the notion of the network to highlight the interconnected geographies of the British Empire. This paper begins by examining the utility of such a re-conceptualisation. It then fleshes out empirically the networked nature of early nineteenth century humanitarianism in colonial New South Wales. Both the relatively progressive potential of this humanitarian network, and its complicity in an ethnocentric politics of assimilationism are analysed. Settler networks, developed as a counter to humanitarian influence in the colony, are also examined more briefly. This account of contested networks demonstrates that they were never simply about communication, but always, fundamentally, about the organisation and contestation of dispossessive trajectories that linked diverse colonial and metropolitan sites. The paper concludes by noting some of the implications of such a networked analysis of dispossession and assimilation for Australia's ,History Wars'. [source] The Empire Meets the New Deal: Interwar Encounters in Conservation and Regional PlanningGEOGRAPHICAL RESEARCH, Issue 4 2005J.M. POWELL Abstract British imperial and American experiences in conservation and planning are providing fresh interdisciplinary challenges for university teaching and research. The Roosevelt administration's ,New Deal' included government-sponsored interventions in soil erosion and water management and sophisticated regional development agendas. Reviewing samples of the latter areas of concern, this article explores the proposition that, although the British Empire was scarcely bereft of comparable interwar programmes and was becoming somewhat preoccupied with centrifugal tendencies, persistent porosity, exhausting struggles with postwar reconstruction, and comprehensive economic depression, New Deal evangelism was in fact variously anticipated, harnessed, challenged and ignored. A discussion of widely separated national and regional examples locates a layered interplay between uneven imperial and US pulsations, independent local manoeuvres, and critical inputs from key individual agents. The most important filters included the presence of comparatively robust bureaucratic infrastructures and the cultivation of international relationships by scientists and technologists. Encounters with convergent revisionism suggest cautionary leads for students, researchers and teachers alike. Reconstructions of selected contexts underline the presence of familiar posturing, opportunism, and astute patriotic deployment during the emergence of modern styles of globalization. [source] Suffering and Domesticity: The Subversion of Sentimentalism in Three Stories by Marie Von Ebner-EschenbachGERMAN LIFE AND LETTERS, Issue 1 2006Charlotte Woodford The fiction of Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach (1830,1916) is set firmly in the material reality of the Habsburg Empire. Although realist in its commitment to reflecting contemporary society and its values, it has often been ,accused' of sentimentalism. This article argues that while Ebner's short stories indeed adopt some sentimental tropes, this should not be regarded as detracting from the complexity of her work. Rather, it is complex and worthy of examination in its own right. A closer and more differentiated analysis of sentimentalism in Ebner's fiction than is usually undertaken by modern criticism demonstrates that Ebner self-consciously uses sentimental strategies, such as religious imagery, the idealisation of characters or the death of a protagonist, in order to subvert the ethos of the conventional sentimental novel. This tended to reinforce women's domestic role and strengthen the reader's belief in the spiritual value of suffering. The stories ,Das tägliche Leben', ,Die Resel', and ,Der Erstgeborene' show how Ebner, by contrast, undermines the idea that suffering has any value in a religious sense, and takes issue with the idea that women should obediently submit to domestic unhappiness. [source] When an Empire is not an Empire: The US Case1GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 2 2006Desmond King This paper critically assesses the description ,empire' as applied to the United States in the twentieth century, proposing that US policy makers lack the territorial and occupation motives pre-requisite to being an imperial power. It is proposed that the USA is better described as an empire by accident than by design. Americans' domestic experience of nation-building within the USA, since the early twentieth century, helps account for their unwillingness to permit the USA to be an imperial nation. [source] George III, Tyrant: The Crisis as Critic of Empire, 1775,1776HISTORY, Issue 316 2009NEIL YORK The Crisis, a London weekly published between January 1775 and October 1776, attempted to join Britain and the American colonies in a transatlantic community of protest. It did so more stridently than virtually anything printed either in the colonies or elsewhere in the London press. King George III, his chief ministers, and their supporters in parliament were all fair game for its caustic commentary. It condemned their imperial policy as self-destructive and their treatment of the Americans as foolishly shortsighted. It condoned American resistance to what it characterized as tyrannical policies and called on Britons to beware that what began as oppression of the colonies could end up threatening rights on their own side of the Atlantic as well. Even so, the men behind The Crisis hoped for a solution to the problems of empire within it, not outside it, and their ardour for the Patriot cause cooled once Revolutionary Americans declared independence. Despite their rhetorical blasts at Whitehall and Westminster, the men behind The Crisis were not looking to turn protest into rebellion nor were they interested in trading monarchy for a republic. They fell silent when their differences with American Revolutionaries became too obvious to deny. [source] Japan and the League of Nations: Empire and World Order 1914,1938 , By Thomas W. BurkmanHISTORY, Issue 315 2009PHILIP TOWLE No abstract is available for this article. [source] Contesting the German Empire, 1871,1918 By Matthew JefferiesHISTORY, Issue 314 2009IAN D. ARMOUR No abstract is available for this article. [source] Slavery and the British Empire: From Africa to America By Kenneth MorganHISTORY, Issue 312 2008JEREMY BLACK No abstract is available for this article. [source] The Business of Empire: The East India Company and Imperial Britain, 1756,1833 By H. V. BowenHISTORY, Issue 311 2008ROGER MORRISS No abstract is available for this article. [source] Empire, the Sea and Global History: Britain's Maritime World, c.1763,c.1840 Edited by David CannadineHISTORY, Issue 311 2008JEREMY BLACK No abstract is available for this article. [source] Imperial Citizenship: Empire and the Question of Belonging By Daniel GormanHISTORY, Issue 311 2008SIMON J. POTTER No abstract is available for this article. [source] Flagships of Imperialism: The P&O Company and the Politics of Empire from its Origins to 1867 By Freda HarcourtHISTORY, Issue 310 2008ROGER MORRISS No abstract is available for this article. [source] Henry III of England and the Staufen Empire, 1216,1272 By Björn K. U. WeilerHISTORY, Issue 307 2007SEAN McGLYNN No abstract is available for this article. [source] Agents of Empire: Spanish Ambassadors in Sixteenth-Century Italy By Michael J. LevinHISTORY, Issue 305 2007JAMES SHAW No abstract is available for this article. [source] A Turn to Empire: The Rise of Imperial Liberalism in Britain and France By Jennifer PittsHISTORY, Issue 303 2006ALEX TYRRELL No abstract is available for this article. [source] James I, Gondomar and the Dissolution of the Parliament of 1621HISTORY, Issue 279 2000Brennan C. Pursell Letters written by Count Gondomar reveal that King James I devised a secret plan to dissolve the parliament of 1621 before it was recalled for a second session. Because of the escalating war in the Holy Roman Empire, James faced a belligerent parliament in England which pressured him to mount an effective defence of the Lower Palatinate against Spanish and imperial forces. James resisted and decided instead to maintain his rapport with Spain, and therefore it became necessary to sacrifice the parliament of 1621. Motivated by a genuine desire for peace, the king provoked a confrontation with the House of Commons in order to give him a pretext for dissolving parliament. [source] FELLOW CITIZENS AND IMPERIAL SUBJECTS: CONQUEST AND SOVEREIGNTY IN EUROPE'S OVERSEAS EMPIRESHISTORY AND THEORY, Issue 4 2005ANTHONY PAGDEN ABSTRACT This article traces the association between the European overseas empires and the concept of sovereignty, arguing that, ever since the days of Cicero,if not earlier,Europeans had clung to the idea that there was a close association between a people and the territory it happened to occupy. This made it necessary to think of an "empire" as a unity,an "immense body," to use Tacitus's phrase,that would embrace all its subjects under a single sovereign. By the end of the eighteenth century it had become possible, in this way, to speak of "empires of liberty" that would operate for the ultimate benefit of all their "citizens," freeing them from previous tyrannical rulers and bringing them under the protection of more benign regimes. In such empires sovereignty could only ever be, as it had become in Europe, undivided. The collapse of Europe's "first" empires in the Americas, however, was followed rapidly by Napoleon's attempt to create a new kind of Empire in Europe. The ultimate, and costly, failure of this project led many, Benjamin Constant among them, to believe that the age of empires was now over and had been replaced by the age of commerce. But what in fact succeeded Napoleon was the modern European state system, which attempted not to replace empire by trade, as Constant had hoped, but to create a new kind of empire, one that sought to minimize domination and settlement, and to make a sharp distinction between imperial ruler and imperial subject. In this kind of empire, sovereignty could only be "divided." Various kinds of divided rule were thus devised in the nineteenth century. Far, however, from being an improvement on the past, this ultimately resulted in,or at least contributed greatly to,the emergence of the largely fictional and inevitably unstable societies that after the final collapse of the European empires became the new states of the "developing world." [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||