Home About us Contact
|
Home About us Contact | ||
|
|
||
Election
Kinds of Election Terms modified by Election Selected AbstractsELECTION AND THE TRINITY: TWENTY-FIVE THESES ON THE THEOLOGY OF KARL BARTHMODERN THEOLOGY, Issue 2 2008GEORGE HUNSINGER A new and "revisionist" reading would argue that the later Karl Barth saw the existence of the eternal Trinity not as the ground and presupposition, but as the consequence of God's pre-temporal decision of election. A more "traditionalist" reading, on the other hand, as defended by this essay, denies that proposition. The texts adduced by the revisionists, it is argued, fail to make their case. More plausible, alternative readings are offered, counter-evidence is marshaled, and the deleterious theological consequences of the revisionist alternative are spelled out. Barth could not have adopted it without contradicting his most basic convictions. [source] Political Action and Speech in the 2000 Presidential ElectionCONSTELLATIONS: AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CRITICAL AND DEMOCRATIC THEORY, Issue 3 2001Martín Plot First page of article [source] The Engendering of Anticommunism and Fear in Chile's 1964 Presidential Election*DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 5 2008Margaret Power First page of article [source] Newspaper coverage of drug policy: an analysis of pre-election reporting of the Greens' drug policy in AustraliaDRUG AND ALCOHOL REVIEW, Issue 1 2008SANDRA C. JONES BA Abstract Introduction and Aims. With the headline ,Ecstasy Over The Counter' in a popular daily newspaper, the debate on drug policy officially entered the arena of the 2003 New South Wales (Australia) State Election. The debate resurfaced in the lead-up to the 2004 Australian Federal Election. This paper analyses the pre-election coverage of drug policy issues in four Australian newspapers. Design and Methods. Four high-circulation daily newspapers were monitored for a one-month period prior to both elections and analysed for their coverage of drug policy, particularly with respect to the policy of the Greens. Results. The newspapers took different perspectives on drug policy issues, with two framing it in emotive terms as a moral debate and two framing it as political manoeuvring. Discussion and Conclusion. The newspapers focused upon emotive and sensationalist factors. They did not provide their readers with information or a rationale for the formulation of drug policy, be this from a harm minimisation or zero tolerance perspective. [source] 2008 Election of Fellows to the Econometric SocietyECONOMETRICA, Issue 2 2009Article first published online: 5 MAR 200 First page of article [source] 2007 Election of Fellows to the Econometric SocietyECONOMETRICA, Issue 3 2008Article first published online: 17 APR 200 First page of article [source] 2006 Election of Fellows to the Econometric SocietyECONOMETRICA, Issue 3 2007Article first published online: 20 APR 200 No abstract is available for this article. [source] 2005 Election of Fellows to the Econometric SocietyECONOMETRICA, Issue 3 2006Article first published online: 27 APR 200 First page of article [source] 2003 Election of Fellows to the Econometric SocietyECONOMETRICA, Issue 3 2004Article first published online: 31 MAR 200 First page of article [source] 2002 Election of Fellows to the Econometric SocietyECONOMETRICA, Issue 3 2003Article first published online: 24 OCT 200 First page of article [source] 2000 Election of Fellows to the Econometric SocietyECONOMETRICA, Issue 3 2001Article first published online: 12 DEC 200 First page of article [source] Routes to party choice: Ideology, economic evaluations and voting at the 1997 British General ElectionEUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2001C.J. PATTIE Most conventional accounts of voting behaviour fit single models to the entire electorate, implicitly assuming that all voters respond to the same sets of influences, and do so in similar ways. However, a growing body of research suggests that this approach may be misleading, and that distinct groups of voters approach politics, and the electoral decision, from different perspectives. The paper takes a disaggregated look at voting in the 1997 British General Election, dividing voters into different groups according to their formal educational qualifications. Results suggest that different groups of voters respond to different stimuli, depending on their education, and on the party they are voting for. [source] FL Teachers Urged to Become Activists with Candidates Running for ElectionFOREIGN LANGUAGE ANNALS, Issue 5 2000Article first published online: 31 DEC 200 No abstract is available for this article. [source] Spatially Disaggregated Modelling of Voting Outcomes and Socio-Economic Characteristics at the 2001 Australian Federal ElectionGEOGRAPHICAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2006ROBERT STIMSON Abstract This study uses GIS and spatial modelling to relate voting outcomes at the 2001 federal election for polling booths across Australia with the socio-economic characteristics of polling booth catchment areas. The data and analysis used are more detailed and comprehensive than previous studies. It is conducted at a fine level of spatial disaggregation across the whole nation to examine voting outcomes for both major and minor political parties. Because the aim of the paper is to distinguish voting outcomes between political parties rather than to predict voting outcomes for particular political parties, a discriminant analysis is used rather than regression analysis. The statistical discriminant analysis identifies two main socio-economic dimensions that are able to predict polling booth outcomes with a relatively high degree of accuracy. That analysis shows how, at the 2001 federal election, the middle ground, in terms of socio-economic characteristics, was being claimed by the Liberal Party, Country Liberal Party, The Greens, and, to a lesser extent, by the Australian Labor Party. However, the Australian Democrats, National Party and One Nation had more distinctive constituencies, with the National Party and One Nation Party competing for areas with similar socio-economic characteristics. Using GIS mapping tools, examples of actual and predicted polling booth voting outcomes are given, along with selected socio-economic characteristics of booth catchments. [source] Voter Behaviour in Rural Areas: A Study of the Farrer Electoral Division in Southern New South Wales at the 1998 Federal ElectionGEOGRAPHICAL RESEARCH, Issue 2 2001James Forrest The National (Country) Party, traditional beneficiary of a countrymindedness ethos in rural and regional Australia, suffered a significant electoral setback at the 1998 federal election from a new conservative force in Australian politics, the One Nation Party. One Nation has been characterised as the party of the ,old' Australia, those least able to cope with the pace of recent social and economic changes, rationalisation and centralisation of services and the exodus of people from rural and regional areas. Such a characterisation is supported by findings from this study of the geography of voting and the social correlates of One Nation's support base in the Farrer electoral division in south-western New South Wales. [source] Japan's Upper House Election of 29 July 2001GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 1 2002Takashi Inoguchi First page of article [source] Appearance and Reality in Indian Politics: Making Sense of the 1999 General ElectionGOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 1 2000Rob Jenkins [source] Labor Council Outreach and Union Member Voter Turnout: A Microanalysis from the 2000 ElectionINDUSTRIAL RELATIONS, Issue 2 2004Article first published online: 25 MAR 200, Roland Zullo A resource-mobilization theoretical framework is used to model voter turnout as a function of contacts performed by a politically active labor council. Results indicate that the probability of voting in the 2000 national election was 27 to 17 percentage points higher for grocery workers that received a get-out-the-vote telephone contact just before the election or on Election Day. Workers contacted 2 months prior to the election were associated with an 8 to 11 percentage point gain in voter turnout. The results imply that by pooling resources organized labor can serve as a positive social institution for increasing the political participation of working-class citizens. [source] The blending of narrative and argument in the generic texture of newspaper editorialsINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF APPLIED LINGUISTICS, Issue 1 2000Mike Reynolds This paper is a study in textural mode analysis (TMA). It examines the generic discourse texture of a set of editorials from the London Times and Guardian, on the topic of the British General Election of May 1997. It describes how the texture of the set can be accounted for in terms of just three representational textural modes, narrative, description and argument , and shows how argument predominates in the editorial genre. Toulmin's influential rhetorical model of argumentation, consisting of grounds, claims and warrants, is used and related to the realisation of argument mode through a number of functions, namely hypotheses, predictions, evaluations and assertions. The last of these frequently perform an ideological role in editorial discourse, via unmodalized assertions. The extremely common blending of textural modes by means of linear and layered blending is brought out, particularly through a ,case study'of one of the editorials. [source] Barth's ,Other' Doctrine of Election in the Church DogmaticsINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SYSTEMATIC THEOLOGY, Issue 2 2007SUZANNE McDONALD This article contends that more consideration needs to be given to the presence of this earlier understanding of election in CD I/1 and 2, both with regard to its influence on the presentation of key loci within these volumes and to the tensions created in the unfolding of major themes before and after his christological reorientation of the doctrine. [source] The Political Activity of Evangelical Clergy in the Election of 2000: A Case Study of Five DenominationsJOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION, Issue 4 2003James L. Guth This article focuses on the political participation of ministers from five evangelical Protestant denominations that differ in theology, polity, and history. Despite such differences, these clergy respond to political influences in much the same fashion. We find that the standard theories of political participation have varying success in accounting for their political involvement. Sociodemographic explanations provide little help, but psychological engagement with politics has more explanatory power. Professional role orientations are the best predictors of actual participation. And the clergy who see moral reform issues as the most important confronting the country,and who hold conservative views on such issues,are most likely to become engaged. Finally, membership in Christian Right organizations serves to elicit more activity than might occur if ministers were left to internally motivated participation. Despite the emphasis on other contextual variables in some work on clerical politics, we find that communications exposures, congregational influences, and even the support of clerical colleagues have very limited independent effects on political involvement. [source] Unemployment and Inflation Consequences of Unexpected Election ResultsJOURNAL OF MONEY, CREDIT AND BANKING, Issue 8 2007MICHAEL BERLEMANN rational partisan theory; political business cycles; election outcome uncertainty The empirical evidence toward rational partisan theory of business cycles is mixed and thus inconclusive. This is due to the enormous heterogeneity of the existing empirical studies. Only a few of these test explicitly for the central theoretical innovation that post-electoral blips in economic activity depend on the degree of the electoral surprise. Using polling data we present empirical evidence in favor of rational partisan theory for a panel of OECD countries. [source] The evolution of a campaign: tracking press coverage and party press releases through the 2001 UK General ElectionJOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 2 2005Phil Harris This paper builds upon a content analysis of all news articles that appeared in six national daily newspapers and of all national press releases issued by the three main political parties during the UK General Election 2001 campaign. The results were compared with data from two opinion polls conducted at the start and at the end of the campaign. Here, using the same basic data, we track the coverage of issues in party press releases and daily newspapers on a weekly basis to determine how the parties' priorities and press coverage evolved. The results show that the Labour and Liberal Democrat campaign strategies, in terms of relative issue priorities, did not change during the campaign. However, the Conservatives shifted their attention to the public priorities of Health and Education towards the end of the campaign. There is evidence that the Conservative emphasis on Europe and taxation earlier in the campaign may have influenced the volume of press coverage but did not appear to have affected relative party standings. The implications of these results for political marketers are considered. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Florida's Pension Election: From DB to DC and BackJOURNAL OF RISK AND INSURANCE, Issue 3 2004Moshe A. Milevsky During the year 2002, the State of Florida's 600,000 public employees were given the choice of converting their traditional defined benefit (DB) pension plan into an individual-account defined contribution (DC) plan with full control over asset allocation and investment decisions. To mitigate some of the risk and uncertainty in the decision, the State granted each employee electing the DC plan an additional option to switch back (i.e., change their mind once) at any point prior to retirement. This option has been labeled the 2nd election by the State and the cost of reentry is fixed at the accumulated benefit obligation of their pension entitlement, which is the present value of the life annuity. Our article presents some original analytic insights relating to the optimal time and financial value of this unique 2nd election. Although our model is deterministic in nature, we believe that it provides a number of intuitive insights that are quite robust. Our results can be contrasted with Lachance, Mitchell, and Smetters (2003). We estimate that the increase in retirement wealth that arises from having the 2nd election is equivalent to at most 30 percent in future value, and only when utilized optimally. Furthermore, for most State employees above the age of 45, the 2nd election has little economic value because the DB plan dominates the DC plan from day one. Of course, it remains to be seen what percent of Florida's 600,000 employees will elect to behave rationally with their newfound pension autonomy. [source] Symposia Focus; Technical Director; Annual Election; ASNE Day' 05 in Virginia BeachNAVAL ENGINEERS JOURNAL, Issue 1 2005RADM Dave Sargent USN (Ret.) No abstract is available for this article. [source] US Catholics and the Presidential Election: Abortion and Proportionate ReasonsNEW BLACKFRIARS, Issue 1003 2005James L. Heft S.M. First page of article [source] The 1892 General Election and the Eclipse of the Liberal UnionistsPARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 3 2010IAN CAWOOD This article seeks to establish that the 1892 general election marked a major change in the relative positions of the parties in the Unionist alliance. Not only did it reveal the limitations of the Liberal Unionist Party's strategy and appeal in an age of increasingly organised, mass politics, but it also acted as a brake on the ambitions of the new leader of the Liberal Unionists in the house of commons, Joseph Chamberlain. It argues that the Liberal Unionist Party suffered a more severe setback in 1892 than has been recognized hitherto and that Chamberlain's attempts to revive his party both before and after the general election were now prescribed by the reality of the political position in which the party now found itself. Rather than regarding the fluid political circumstances of the 1890s as the outcome of an emerging struggle between increasingly polarised ideologies, it seeks to reinforce the significance of local political circumstances and the efficacy of party management in the growing dominance of Lord Salisbury and Arthur Balfour and the Conservative central organisers. [source] Empire, Patriotism and the Working-Class Electorate: The 1900 General Election in the Battersea ConstituencyPARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 3 2009IAIN SHARPE The extent to which the Unionist victory in the ,khaki' general election of 1900 was the result of patriotic sentiment arising from the South African war has long been a source of controversy among historians. Battersea has been cited as an area that was largely unaffected by patriotic and imperial fervour during this period. This article examines the general election campaign in the Battersea constituency. The sitting MP, John Burns, was re-elected despite his opposition to the war, but the Conservatives achieved their highest percentage vote of that at any parliamentary election between 1885 and 1918. While the war was not the only issue raised during the campaign, it was the most prominent and clearly benefited the imperialist and pro-war Conservative candidate. In order to retain his seat Burns had to fight a far more dynamic local campaign than his opponent, and even then he won only narrowly. Although imperial sentiment was not quite enough to oust Burns from this otherwise safe seat, it was the main reason for the strong Conservative performance. [source] Triangular Contests and Caucus Rhetoric at the 1885 General Election*PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 2 2008JAMES OWEN This article explores the role played by late-Victorian political associations during parliamentary election campaigns. The central hypothesis is that party organisation, known popularly as the ,caucus', is best understood as a rhetorical device used by politicians and the press to gain legitimacy in the new context created by an expanded and quasi-democratic electorate. The hypothesis is tested by examining the 1885 general election campaigns in Nottingham West and Sheffield Central. Both constituencies witnessed a triangular contest whereby an ,additional' candidate, standing on a radical platform, entered the campaign and pursued a distinctly ,anti-caucus' agenda that was aimed primarily at the local Liberal Party Association. The manner in which the ,caucus' issue was articulated by all sides involved throws new light on the role played by party organisation during this period. While all sides described their association in a way that both defended and asserted its legitimacy, they equally used ,anti-caucus' rhetoric to diminish the credibility of their opponent's organisation, even though they were emulating the deeds they were denouncing. Indeed, it was those within official Liberalism that indulged in the most virulent ,anti-caucus' rhetoric. Thus, it is suggested that, with regard to the attitude of radicals towards official Liberalism, this ,anti-caucus' rhetoric reflected not a real popular resistance against party organisation or ,party', but simply intense competition and imitation between rival ,caucuses'. [source] A Call to Action: New Party Candidates and the 1931 General Election*PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 2 2008MATTHEW WORLEY Sir Oswald Mosley established his New Party in early 1931. It proposed to cut across the party and class divides, with the objective of providing a ,national' solution to the economic crisis of the time. According to Mosley, the ,old parties', meaning the Labour, Conservative and Liberal Parties , had revealed themselves unable to adapt to the post-war age. In their place, he argued, a modern organisation, based on youth, vitality and a scientifically reasoned economic plan, was needed to save Britain from terminal decline. Few heeded his call, and the party ultimately paved the way for the British Union of Fascists to emerge in 1932. Nevertheless, the New Party fought the general election of 1931, offering an unsuccessful but suitably intriguing challenge to the National coalition and Labour Party. This article will assess the New Party's election campaign, concentrating on those who briefly rallied to Mosley's appeal only to fall foul of the ballot box. In other words, it provides a case study of those who contributed to a dramatic electoral failure, and traces a significant stage along Mosley's journey to fascism. [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||