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Economic Mobility (economic + mobility)
Selected Abstracts,MOVING AROUND': THE SOCIAL AND SPATIAL MOBILITY OF YOUTH IN LUSAKAGEOGRAFISKA ANNALER SERIES B: HUMAN GEOGRAPHY, Issue 3 2008Katherine V. Gough ABSTRACT Claims have recently been made for a ,mobilities paradigm' which is challenging the relative ,a-mobile' focus of much of the social sciences. The agenda drawn up for this mobilities paradigm is clearly based on Northern trends with little consideration of the South. African populations have always been mobile but little is known about the mobility of urban populations and in particular of the youth, who constitute a large proportion of the population. This paper explores the daily and residential mobility of young people in Lusaka building upon interviews held with low- and middle-income youth. The aim is to contribute to discussions of: how mobility varies by gender and class; the links between spatial mobility and social and economic mobility; the nature of the relationship between patterns of mobility and residential structure; and how examining mobility can illuminate many other aspects of young people's lives. Overall the picture emerging from Lusaka is rather bleak. In a context of spiralling economic decline and rising HIV/AIDS rates, the social mobility of youth is predominantly downwards which is reflected in the residential and daily mobility patterns of the young people. There is a strong link between young people's mobility and their livelihoods, an aspect of mobility that is widespread in the South but largely overlooked by the emerging mobilities paradigm. [source] Archaeozoological evidence for pastoral systems and herd mobility: the remains from Sos Höyük and Büyüktepe HöyükINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF OSTEOARCHAEOLOGY, Issue 5 2001Sarah Howell-Meurs Abstract Characterization of pastoral economics in the archaeological record is recognized as being particularly difficult. While architectural evidence may provide ambiguous indicators of nomadism, animal remains afford greater clarity concerning assessment of herd and thus economic mobility. To highlight archaeozoological applications towards the analysis of herd movement as it may relate to the analysis and definition of economic systems, the mobility of the pastoral systems practised at Sos Höyük and Büyüktepe Höyük during the Early Bronze and Iron Age periods was investigated in terms of various facets of archaeozoological evidence. Sedentary occupation of these sites was suggested by the faunal remains on the basis of evidence, including use of seasonally available resources, relative abundance and representation of the main domesticates and dental data. These results suggest that analysis based upon multiple lines of archaeozoological evidence provides the most fruitful means of investigating pastoral mobility. Copyright © 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Models of Civic Responsibility: Korean Americans in Congregations with Different Ethnic CompositionsJOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION, Issue 1 2005ELAINE HOWARD ECKLUND This article compares different discourses of civic responsibility for Korean American evangelicals in a second-generation Korean congregation and a multiethnic congregation located in the same impoverished ethnic minority community. Those in the second-generation church define civic responsibility through difference from immigrant Koreans. They stress caring for members of their local community and explicitly reject their parents' connection of Christianity to economic mobility. Yet, they find relating to other minorities in their local community difficult because of an implicit belief that the economically impoverished are not hardworking. Korean Americans in the multiethnic church connect Christianity to valuing diversity. A religious individualism that is used to justify diversity also helps Korean Americans stress their commonality with other ethnic minorities and legitimates commitment to community service. These results help researchers rethink how new groups of Americans might influence the relationship of evangelical Christianity to American civic life. [source] The contribution of social support to the material well-being of low-income familiesJOURNAL OF MARRIAGE AND FAMILY, Issue 1 2005Julia R. Henly We hypothesize that the social support available from low-income networks serves primarily a coping function, rather than a leverage function. Social support and its relationship to material well-being is assessed in a sample of 632 former and current welfare recipients. Respondents report higher levels of perceived emotional, instrumental, and informational support than perceived financial support, and received financial aid is particularly uncommon. Multivariate findings demonstrate that perceived support is unrelated to employment quality, but it reduces the likelihood of living in poverty and is associated with three different measures of coping. These findings generally support the contention that informal aid is important for the everyday survival of low-income families, but is less able to assist with economic mobility. [source] Intergenerational Mobility and Marital Sorting,THE ECONOMIC JOURNAL, Issue 513 2006John Ermisch We use data from the German Socio-Economic Panel and the British Household Panel Survey to estimate the extent of intergenerational economic mobility in a framework that highlights the role played by assortative mating. We find that assortative mating plays an important role. On average about 40,50% of the covariance between parents' and own permanent family income can be attributed to the person to whom one is married. This effect is driven by strong spouse correlations in human capital, which are larger in Germany than Britain. [source] States, markets, and other unexceptional communities: informal Romanian labour in a Spanish agricultural zoneTHE JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, Issue 3 2008Tod Hartman The logic of transnational capital and the ongoing European imperative of ,competition' have created unofficial economies, seemingly exceptional situations in which the state is left to grapple with the problem of essential but ,illegal' labour in spaces in which it is no longer unambiguously sovereign. This article discusses Romanian labourers working informally, and often temporarily, in an agricultural area characterized by intensive plastic greenhouse production in Almería province, Spain. Informal employment is arranged through personal contacts and connections, advertisements, or anonymously in the plaza, the public square. Wages are often negotiated through the person of a Romanian intermediary, who organizes workers into teams, contracts with Spanish growers, and retains a significant proportion of the total pay. It is argued here that although technically outside of state jurisdiction, some of this ,illegal' economic activity embodies normalized, unexceptional features of the ,official' labour market. These include the general reliability of obtaining work with predictable wages and some opportunity for occupational and economic mobility within the sector for a limited number of people, as well as work-related hierarchies, a racialized division of the area's labour force, and the reproduction of capitalist relations of production in the interests of prolonging the provision of flexible and cheap migrant labour with the complicity of the state. Résumé La logique du capital transnational et l'impératif européen de « concurrence » ont donné naissance à des économies non officielles, situations apparemment exceptionnelles dans lesquelles l'État doit résoudre le problème d'une main-d',uvre indispensable mais « illégale » dans des espaces où il n'est plus entièrement souverain. L'auteur décrit ici le travail informel et souvent temporaire de Roumains dans une région agricole de la province d'Almería, en Espagne, caractérisée par une production intensive sous serres en plastique. Les embauches informelles s'organisent par contacts personnels et relations, par petites annonces, ou de façon anonyme sur les places de village. Les salaires sont souvent négociés par un intermédiaire roumain qui organise aussi les équipes d'ouvriers, sous-traite avec les cultivateurs espagnols et se réserve une part conséquente de la paie. Bien qu'elle échappe techniquement à la juridiction de l'État, une partie de cette activitééconomique « illégale » reprend des caractéristiques normalisées et ordinaires du marché du travail « officiel » : fiabilité d'un travail rémunéré de façon prévisible, possibilité de mobilité professionnelle et économique dans le secteur pour un nombre limité de personnes, hiérarchisation du travail, division racialisée de la main-d',uvre dans la région, reproduction des relations capitalistes de production en vue de prolonger la fourniture de main-d',uvre migrante flexible et bon marché, avec la complicité des pouvoirs publics. [source] | ||||||||||