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Different Parties (different + party)
Selected AbstractsA new mutual authentication and key exchange protocol with balanced computational power for wireless settingsEUROPEAN TRANSACTIONS ON TELECOMMUNICATIONS, Issue 2 2004Chou-Chen Yang Mutual authentication and key exchange protocols (MAKEP) provide two parties in communication with guarantee of true identity. And then the two parties end up sharing a common session key for privacy and data integrity during the session. In MAKEP, public-key-based schemes and symmetric-key-based schemes are often used. However, the former requires high computation complexity and hence, it is not suitable for applications in wireless settings. The latter has to maintain many distinct keys for different parties. Wong et al. proposed the Linear MAKEP to solve these problems. But in term of storage space, it is not optimal. In this paper, we propose a scheme that uses the geometric properties of line to achieve mutual authentication and key exchange. Compared with Wong et al.'s scheme, our scheme is efficient and requires less storage space. It can withstand the replay attack and the unknown key-share attack, and the server does not bear much more computation cost than the client in each session, hence we call it a protocal with balanced computational power. Copyright © 2004 AEI [source] ,Bound from Either Side': The Limits of Power in Carolingian Marriage Disputes, 840,870GENDER & HISTORY, Issue 3 2007Rachel Stone The article discusses four marriage disputes in ninth-century Francia which involved noblemen: Count Stephen of the Auvergne, Count Boso of Italy, Baldwin of Flanders and the royal vassal Falcric. All these men were affected by Carolingian reforming measures on consanguineous marriage, divorce and raptus (abduction). The article examines how gender and social status affected the forms of power and the strategies used by different parties in the cases: archbishops and popes, kings, the women involved and the noblemen themselves. A paradoxical situation is revealed: despite the patriarchal basis of Carolingian society, the power even of elite men over women and marriage was often highly contingent. Yet such restrictions on power did not imperil the gender order: the masculinity of the men involved in these marriage disputes was not questioned. [source] Decision-making in community-based paediatric physiotherapy: a qualitative study of children, parents and practitionersHEALTH & SOCIAL CARE IN THE COMMUNITY, Issue 2 2006Bridget Young BA PhD Abstract Approaches to practice based on partnership and shared decision-making with patients are now widely recommended in health and social care settings, but less attention has been given to these recommendations in children's services, and to the decision-making experiences of non-medical practitioners and their patients or clients. This study explored children's, parents' and practitioners' accounts of shared decision-making in the context of community-based physiotherapy services for children with cerebral palsy. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 11 children with cerebral palsy living in an inner city area of northern England, and with 12 of their parents. Two focus groups were conducted with 10 physiotherapy practitioners. Data were analysed using the constant comparative method. When asked explicitly about decision-making, parents, children and practitioners reported little or no involvement, and each party saw the other as having responsibility for decisions. However, when talking in more concrete terms about their experiences, each party did report some involvement in decision-making. Practitioners' accounts focused on their responsibility for making decisions about resource allocation, and thereby, about the usefulness and intensity of interventions. Parents indicated that these practitioner-led decisions were sometimes in conflict with their aspirations for their child. Parents and children appeared to have most involvement in decisions about the acceptability and implementation of interventions. Children's involvement was more limited than parents'. While parents could legitimately curtail unacceptable interventions, children were mostly restricted to negotiating about how interventions were implemented. In these accounts the involvement of each party varied with the type of issue being decided and decision-making appeared more unilateral than shared. In advocating shared decision-making, greater understanding of its weaknesses as well as its strengths, and greater clarity about the domains that are suitable for a shared decision-making approach and the roles of different parties, would seem a helpful step. [source] Party loyalty as habit formationJOURNAL OF APPLIED ECONOMETRICS, Issue 3 2003Ron Shachar In most democracies, at least two out of any three individuals vote for the same party in sequential elections. This paper presents a model in which vote-persistence is partly due to the dependence of the utility on the previous voting decision. This dependence is termed ,habit formation'. The model and its implications are supported by individual-level panel data on the presidential elections in the USA in 1972 and 1976. For example, it is found that the voting probability is a function of the lagged choice variable, even when the endogeneity of the lagged variable is accounted for, and that the tendency to vote for different parties in sequential elections decreased with the age of the voter. Furthermore, using structural estimation the effect of habit is estimated, while allowing unobserved differences among respondents. The structural habit parameter implies that the effect of previous votes on the current decision is quite strong. The habit model fits the data better than the traditional ,party identification' model. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Probabilistic Voting and Accountability in Elections with Uncertain Policy ConstraintsJOURNAL OF PUBLIC ECONOMIC THEORY, Issue 1 2007ADAM MEIROWITZ We consider accountability in repeated elections with two long-lived parties that have distinct policy preferences and different levels of valence. In each period the government faces a privately observed feasibility constraint and selects a publicly observed policy vector. While pure strategy equilibria do not exhibit tight control on government policy making, complete control is possible in mixed strategies. In optimal equilibria voters use reelection functions which depend on policy in a manner that causes the governing party to internalize voter preferences. In these optimal equilibria the voters use different reelection functions for different parties. [source] Control and co-ordination in corporate rescueLEGAL STUDIES, Issue 3 2005Vanessa Finch The Enterprise Act 2002 sought to assist troubled companies by enhancing the rescue-friendliness of the UK insolvency regime. Assessing that regime calls for a focus on: the different roles and control powers of the various parties involved with troubled companies; the essential tasks that a rescue regime has to carry out; and the level of co-ordination that is to be expected between different parties. Key tasks in the furtherance of rescue are: the collectiiig of relevant information; the production of sound judgments and strategies; and the taking of timely actions and decisions. The problems of co-ordination, moreover, vary from task to task. For judges, central challenges in coming years will be not only to protect parties'rights within the new rescue regime but also to use judicial oversight powers to encourage co-ordinated action in pursuit of rescue. An appreciation of the co-ordination issue is central to an understanding of the post-Enterprise Act 2002 regime and the potential of the judges to enhance that regime in its furtherance of rescue. [source] Contested Nations: Iraq and the AssyriansNATIONS AND NATIONALISM, Issue 3 2000Sami Zubaida The formation of nation-states from the ruins of the Ottoman Empire in the Middle East after World War I, under colonial auspices, proceeded with negotiations in some instances and hostilities in others from previously autonomous communities, some of them formally designated as millets. Iraq comprised a diversity of religious and ethnic communities. The Assyrians, Christian mountain tribes, mostly refugees from Turkish Kurdistan under British protection, were one community which actively resisted integration into the new nation-state and, as a result, were subject to violent attacks by the nascent Iraqi army in 1933. This episode and the way it was perceived and interpreted by the different parties is an interesting illustration of the political psychology of communitarianism in interaction with nationalism, complicated by religious identifications, all in a colonial context. Subsequent histories and commentaries on the episode are also interesting in illuminating ideological readings. [source] Values-based Political Messages and Persuasion: Relationships among Speaker, Recipient, and Evoked ValuesPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2005Thomas E. Nelson The persuasive power of values-based political messages may depend on recipients having (1) shared values with the speaker (a type of personal identity match); (2) shared political party identifications with the speaker (a type of social identity match); and/or (3) expectations about values traditionally associated with different political parties (an expectancy violation/confirmation). The independent and joint effects of these factors on the success of a persuasive message were examined, using the theoretical framework of dual-process models of persuasion. Participants (N = 301), classified according to their party identifications and primary value orientations, read a political speech that varied by argument quality, speaker party, and values evoked. Results indicated that value matching promotes close attention to the message, while party mismatching increases message rejection. These effects depend to some extent, however, on expectancies about values traditionally associated with different parties. Participants especially rejected messages from rival party members when the speaker evoked unexpected values. Results are discussed in terms of their implications for the efficacy of values-based political communication. [source] | |||||||||||||