Distribution by Scientific Domains
Distribution within Humanities and Social Sciences

Kinds of Diplomacy

  • citizen diplomacy
  • cultural diplomacy
  • public diplomacy

  • Selected Abstracts


    Lawrence D. Roberts
    First page of article [source]

    Congress, Kissinger, and the Origins of Human Rights Diplomacy

    DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 5 2010
    Barbara Keys
    The Congressional "human rights insurgency" of 1973,1977 centered on the holding of public hearings to shame countries engaging in human rights abuses and on legislation cutting off aid and trade to violators. Drawing on recently declassified documents, this article shows that the State Department's thoroughly intransigent response to Congressional human rights legislation, particularly Section 502B, was driven by Kissinger alone, against the advice of his closest advisers. Many State Department officials, usually from a mixture of pragmatism and conviction, argued for cooperation with Congress or for taking the initiative on human rights issues. Kissinger's adamant refusal to cooperate left Congress to implement a reactive, punitive, and unilateral approach that would set the human rights agenda long after the Ford administration left office. [source]

    The Desert Fox, Memory Diplomacy, and the German Question in Early Cold War America*

    DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 2 2008
    Brian C. Etheridge
    First page of article [source]

    Between the Old Diplomacy and the New, 1918,1922: The Washington System and the Origins of Japanese-American Rapprochement*

    DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 2 2006
    Sadao Asada
    First page of article [source]

    The (Real)politiks of Culture: U.S. Cultural Diplomacy in Unesco, 1946,1954*

    DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 2 2006
    S. E. Graham
    First page of article [source]

    The Logic of Soviet Cultural Diplomacy

    DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 2 2003
    Davies, Nigel Gould
    First page of article [source]

    Seeing Diplomacy through Banker's Eyes: The World Bank, the Anglo-Iranian Oil Crisis, and the Aswan High Dam

    DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 3 2002
    Amy L. S. Staples

    Public Diplomacy in Grand Strategy

    BEN D. MOR
    Despite the growing importance of public diplomacy in current international politics, its practice,and particularly its relationship with hard power,remains largely unexplored by diplomatic or strategic theory. This paper applies a grand-strategic perspective to analyze the challenges of "winning hearts and minds" in the new communications and normative environments. Israel's experience in the second Intifada serves to draw empirically based lessons on the grand-strategic relationship between propaganda and counterterrorist operations. This relationship, the case study shows, is shaped by the close proximity of tactical-level events to the "surface" of grand strategy, to which their effects tend quickly to rise in the new communications environment. In this context, the proactive role of public diplomacy becomes a key to grand-strategic success. [source]

    Strategic Moral Diplomacy: Mandela, Qaddafi, and the Lockerbie Negotiations

    Lyn Boyd-Judson
    Understanding and mitigating the consequences of clashing moral perceptions should be a primary goal of diplomacy and foreign policy analysis. Personal interviews and primary documents about the Lockerbie negotiations are used to illustrate the dangerous collision of different moral claims in the international arena, the mistakes made by the United States and United Kingdom in handling this aspect of the negotiations, and South African President Nelson Mandela's use of strategic moral diplomacy to resolve the stalemate between Libya, the United States, and the United Kingdom. Mandela's strategy in these negotiations is an example of how an intelligent and pragmatic moral position, rather than the conventional image of an enemy as evil, can produce the desired strategic results,in this case, Colonel Qaddafi's handover of the two Libyan citizens accused of the Lockerbie bombing. [source]

    A Fragile Balance: Re-Examining the History of Foreign Aid, Security, and Diplomacy , By Louis A. Picard and Terry F. Buss

    GOVERNANCE, Issue 3 2010
    First page of article [source]

    European Trade Diplomacy and the Politics of Global Development: Reflections on the EU,China ,Bra Wars' Dispute

    Tony Heron
    The article analyses the so-called ,bra wars' trade dispute that took place between the EU and China in 2005. This dispute raised a number of important questions linked, not only to the textiles and clothing (T&C) trade regime, but to the broader conduct of the EU in relation to the developing world. Over the years, the EU has attempted to construct a discourse towards developing countries that has sought to articulate a distinctively ,European' approach to issues like preferential trade, equitable growth, poverty reduction and so on. This article thus centres on the broader analytical question raised by ,bra wars': namely, the mounting incongruity between the theory and practice of the development policies of the EU. [source]

    The Mercian Connection, Harold Godwineson's Ambitions, Diplomacy and Channel-crossing, 1056,1066

    HISTORY, Issue 313 2009
    It is supposed that the Vita Ædwardi contains some information about Harold's dealings with William of Normandy in 1064. This article links these covert references with William of Poitiers' statements about Harold's diplomatic activities in France. The combination turns out to be fruitful. Harold's Channel-crossing was meant as a tour of diplomacy to win support for his candidacy for the throne of the English. This statement has implications for the sequence of events. Harold's expedition was a mere continuation of his diplomacy in the Midlands earlier in 1064, when he concluded a cunning deal with the rulers of Mercia. Part of the secret arrangement was the acquisition of Northumbria, so far ruled by his self-willed brother Tostig. Harold's unintended landfall in Ponthieu and captivity in Normandy set many things in motion. His explaining-away of his presence on the continent and his fabrications about a state mission revived William's latent interest in the English succession. After his return to England, Harold's extenuation of his inglorious, illegitimate promises to William did raise suspicion about the true nature of his Channel-crossing. Eventually, the full facts of his Mercian connection were revealed, resulting in Queen Edith's and Tostig's desperate moves to prevent the take-over in Northumbria. [source]

    Love-making and Diplomacy: Elizabeth I and the Anjou Marriage Negotiations, c.1578,1582

    HISTORY, Issue 284 2001
    Natalie Mears
    The marriage negotiations between Elizabeth and Francis, duke of Anjou, have provided an important lens for exploring the nature of the Elizabethan polity. Conyers Read argued that Elizabeth deliberately exploited courtship rituals to gain ascendancy over ministers and foreign princes. Wallace MacCaffrey and Susan Doran argued that Elizabeth's commitment to the match was genuine, but that she was prevented from concluding the match because she lacked conciliar support. This article re-examines these arguments in the light of recent research on the language of courtship and archival study into the nature of the political agenda and crown-council relations. It suggests that English interest in the negotiations evolved from growing anxiety about the unresolved succession and that the relationship between Elizabeth and her councillors, especially over her marriage, was more nuanced than has been conventionally thought. Courtship rituals were adopted to express relationships between Elizabeth and her courtiers, but these reflected a revival of chivalric court culture and were not adopted as forms of political action. The article suggests that the twists and turns of the negotiations have to be seen in the context of the active role that Elizabeth took in policy-making, the personal and political issues the marriage raised and Elizabeth's own conception of how effectively an alternative (political) resolution would work. Elizabeth was shrewd enough to see that rules framed for chivalrous love-making might very aptly be applied to diplomatic purposes, and very probably for that reason she always liked to mingle an element of love-making in her diplomacy. [source]

    "Quasi Track-One" Diplomacy: An Analysis of the Geneva Process in the Israeli,Palestinian Conflict,

    Amira Schiff
    The diversity of unofficial diplomacy activities in the last three decades has led to extensive attention in theoretical literature to the role of unofficial diplomacy in conflict resolution processes and to the development of a broad range of concepts used to describe different types of unofficial diplomatic activities. Yet certain unofficial activities, such as the process that preceded the Geneva Accords, do not neatly conform to the prevailing unofficial diplomacy concepts. This study seeks to contribute to the theoretical development of the unofficial diplomacy theory through an examination of the assumptions underlying models and concepts relating to unofficial diplomacy as applied to the process leading to the drafting of the Geneva Accords. The study suggests that the unofficial diplomacy process leading to the Geneva Accords was in fact "a quasi track-one" diplomacy,a diplomacy characterized by unique features, some of which weakened its potential contribution to the policy-making process. [source]

    Soft Power and State,Firm Diplomacy: Congress and IT Corporate Activity in China

    Jade Miller
    In today's globalized political economy, diplomacy between nation-states (state,state diplomacy) now exists alongside state,firm diplomacy, the negotiations between multinational corporations (MNCs) and the countries in which they do business. While the state must be committed to the interests of its MNCs in the interest of domestic state,firm diplomacy (maintaining a supportive business environment), it still has recourse to address failures in corporate diplomacy and to maintain the appearance of dominance on the world stage. This paper examined these strategies through a critical analysis of prepared testimony at the February 2006 congressional hearing regarding the controversial actions of four U.S. IT MNCs (Google, Microsoft, Yahoo, and Cisco) operating in China. I conclude that when the government is constrained from using its hard power on its MNCs, soft power becomes its most effective tool. Image, suggestion, and appearance,soft power,can be considered more important than legislation itself,hard power,and perhaps even the currency of current state,firm relations. [source]

    Bridging Deterrence and Compellence: An Alternative Approach to the Study of Coercive Diplomacy

    Despite decades of research on coercive diplomacy, the linkage between deterrence and compellence still remains unexplored. The present essay provides both a theoretical and empirical analysis of why studying their linked relationship is desirable. After overviewing the literature, it investigates the interplay between US strategies of deterrence and compellence in the First Gulf Crisis (1990,1991), suggesting that the deterrence,compellence linkage is stronger when the two strategies coexist or after they have coexisted. In particular, such a linkage was absent at the beginning of the First Gulf Crisis but very much present from the middle of the crisis until its end. Although this essay represents only a preliminary foray into exploring the potential linkage between deterrence and compellence, it appears that a better grasp of this relationship could provide us with the tools to counteract as well as reduce the negative effects of miscalculation and misperception, practices that are partially responsible for unpredicted and unwanted outcomes in international politics. [source]

    Preparing for European Diplomacy?

    Simon W. Duke
    The literature on European foreign policy has paid scant attention to one critical aspect , European diplomacy. This article considers the nature of European diplomacy, the ways in which it manifests itself and, most importantly, the preparation of EU officials as well as national diplomats for European diplomacy. It is argued that more attention needs to be paid to training so that they may engage more effectively in European diplomacy. In order to facilitate this, support is lent to the idea of establishing a College of European Diplomacy. Effective European foreign policy needs a professional supporting diplomatic service. [source]

    Diplomacy and Hypocrisy: The Case of Iran

    MIDDLE EAST POLICY, Issue 1 2008
    Anthony Newkirk

    Playing the Angles: Russian Diplomacy Before and During the War in Iraq

    MIDDLE EAST POLICY, Issue 3 2003
    Mark N. Katz

    The American-Soviet Walks: Large-Scale Citizen Diplomacy at Glasnost's Outset

    PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 4 2010
    Steve Brigham
    Nineteen eighty-seven was a watershed year in the Soviet Union, as Premier Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika initiatives began to change the face of this closed society. On the citizen diplomacy front, the year featured one of the largest-ever initiatives between American and Soviet citizens, the American,Soviet Walk, the first of numerous walks of that scale to take place in the ensuing years. The five-week walk not only pushed the limits of this fledgling openness and democratization but also tread well beyond the traditional, safe conventions of small-scale citizen exchange. This article explores what made these walks unique, from an unexpectedly large peace rally in Novgorod, to an illegal peace demonstration in Red Square, to public meetings with dissidents. It concludes by exploring the deep cultural differences among the citizen representatives from both countries and whether the walks provide a model for future citizen diplomacy when tensions are high between rival countries. [source]

    China's Energy Security and Eurasian Diplomacy: The Case of Turkmenistan

    POLITICS, Issue 3 2007
    Marc Lanteigne
    China has made significant strides in developing energy diplomacy in the former Soviet states of Central Asia in the name of diversifying its trading partners. However, the case of Turkmenistan, currently undergoing a complicated leadership transition, provides evidence of China's potential limitations in engaging Central Asia in the hopes of securing nearby sources of oil and gas. The ongoing problems of post-Soviet governance in Ashgabat and increasing competition for Turkmen natural gas suggest that Beijing may have to better define its economic interests there and allow for increased regional co-operation building to better manage its Central Asian energy trade. [source]

    The Cold War and the United States Information Agency: American Propaganda and Public Diplomacy, 1945-1989 , By Nicholas J. Cull

    Carnes Lord
    No abstract is available for this article. [source]

    A New Diplomacy for Sustainable Development: The Challenge of Global Change , By Bo Kjellén

    Aidan While
    No abstract is available for this article. [source]

    D/developments after the Meltdown

    ANTIPODE, Issue 2010
    Gillian Hart
    Abstract:, Part of what makes the current conjuncture so extraordinary is the coincidence of the massive economic meltdown with the implosion of the neoconservative Project for a New American Century, and the reappearance of US liberal internationalism in the guise of "smart power" defined in terms of Diplomacy, Development, and Defence. This essay engages these challenges through a framework that distinguishes between "Development" as a post-war international project that emerged in the context of decolonization and the Cold War, and capitalist development as a dynamic and highly uneven process of creation and destruction. Closely attentive to what Gramsci calls "the relations of force at various levels", my task in this essay is to suggest how the instabilities and constant redefinitions of official discourses and practices of Development since the 1940s shed light on the conditions in which we now find ourselves. [source]

    F. L. McDougall: Éminence grise of Australian Economic Diplomacy

    Sean Turnell
    This paper examines the principal economic ideas of F. L. McDougall, a largely forgotten, sometime government official and ,amateur' economist who exercised an enigmatic influence upon Australia's economic diplomacy in the interwar years. Beginning with his conception of ,sheltered markets', the international manifestation of the Bruce Government's vision for Australia of ,men, money, and markets', the paper explores McDougall's later advocacy of a ,nutrition approach' to world agriculture and its extension into ,economic appeasement'. McDougall's ideas were theoretically unsophisticated, and realized little in the way of immediate achievements. In the longer run they could be viewed more favourably. Naive perhaps and idealistic certainly, McDougall's ideas were part of a broader movement that, after the Second World War, redefined the role of international economic institutions. If nothing else, McDougall's active proselytizing of his ideas lent Australia an unusual ,voice' in international forums at a time when it was scarcely heard. [source]

    Colonial Crisis and Spanish Diplomacy in the Caribbean During the Sexenio Revolucionario, 1868,1874

    During the nineteenth century, the Caribbean was the stage for a complex geopolitical confrontation involving the United States, Spain, Great Britain, and France. The precarious balance of powers in that region was upset by the outbreak of the Cuban crisis in 1868 and by the dawn of the period of severe instability in Spain following the overthrow of Isabel II and the onset of the reformist period characterised by the Sexenio Revolucionario. The Cuban crisis strongly constrained the foreign policy of the new regime in Spain and turned the Caribbean Basin into a zone of vital interest for Spanish diplomacy. [source]

    Conflict Management and Communicative Action: Second-Track Diplomacy from a Habermasian Perspective

    Daniel Wehrenfennig
    Many critics have called Jürgen Habermas's concepts of communicative action theoretically interesting but not practically viable. Traditional conflict management in the form of negotiation and state diplomacy leaves little room for Habermasian communication theory and could count as another example of the inapplicability of his ideas. However, with the advent of new conflict resolution practices in the form of second-track diplomacy, Habermasian communication theories seem to be applied in new ways, which this article will analyze. Résumé La gestion des conflits et l,agir communicationnel : La diplomatie de la deuxième voie d'une perspective habermassienne Plusieurs critiques ont dit du concept de l,agir communicationnel de Jürgen Habermas qu'il était intéressant en théorie mais non viable en pratique. La gestion traditionnelle des conflits sous forme de négociation et de diplomatie étatique laisse peu de place à la théorie communicationnelle habermassienne et elle pourrait être considérée comme un autre exemple de l,impossibilité d'application de ses idées. Toutefois, avec l,apparition de nouvelles pratiques de résolution des conflits sous la forme de la diplomatie de la deuxième voie, les théories communicationnelles de Habermas semblent être appliquées de nouvelles manières, que cet article analyse. Abstract Konfliktmanagement und kommunikatives Handeln: Alternativ-Diplomatie aus einer Habermas'schen Sichtweise Viele Kritiker betrachten die Habermas,schen Konzepte des kommunikativen Handelns als theoretisch interessant aber praktisch nicht anwendbar. Traditionelles Konfliktmanagement in Form von Verhandlung und Diplomatie lassen wenig Raum für Habermas'sche Kommunikationstheorie und können als ein Beispiel für die Nichtanwendbarkeit seiner Ideen dienen. Allerdings scheinen die Habermas,sche Kommunikationstheorien mit dem Aufkommen neuer Konfliktlösungspraktiken in Form von Alternativ-Diplomatie auf neue Art anwendbar. Dies soll in diesem Artikel untersucht werden soll. Resumen El Manejo del Conflicto y la Acción Comunicativa: La Diplomacia de Segundo Grado desde la Perspectiva de Habermas Muchos críticos han alegado que los conceptos de acción comunicativa de Jürgen Habermas aunque teóricamente interesantes no son viables en la práctica. El manejo tradicional del conflicto en la forma de negociación y diplomacia estatal deja poco espacio para una teoría de la comunicación de Habermas y puede servir como otro ejemplo de la inaplicabilidad de sus ideas. No obstante, con el advenimiento de las nuevas prácticas de resolución de conflicto en la forma de diplomacia de segundo grado, las teorías de la comunicación de Habermas parecen tener formas de aplicación nuevas, las cuales son analizadas en este ensayo. ZhaiYao Yo yak [source]

    Unofficial international conflict resolution: Is there a Track 1½?

    Are there best practices?
    Analysis of twenty-four cases of unofficial international conflict resolution initiatives, done according to similarities across seven variables, shows that the practice of "Track 1½" diplomacy is distinct from Track 2 diplomacy. Furthermore, these initiatives are distinguished by their focus on process or diverse goals. Multidimensional scaling organized the cases into four groupings of similar initiatives: Track 1½ process-focused, Track 1½ diversified, Track 2 process-focused, and Track 2 diversified. The variety of approaches used in these twenty-four cases of high-quality international conflict resolution initiatives suggests best practices. These practices should be considered sensitive to context rather than a standard set of procedures used regardless of conflict environment. [source]

    Securing the World and Challenging Civil Society: Before and After the ,War on Terror'

    Jude Howell
    ABSTRACT Following President Bush's declaration of a ,War on Terror' in 2001, governments around the world introduced a range of counter-terrorist legislation, policies and practices. These measures have affected not only human rights and civil liberties but also civil society and aid frameworks. Although the Obama administration has renounced the language of the ,War on Terror' and taken steps to revoke aspects such as water-boarding and the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay, the bulk of the legislation and practices associated with the post-9/11 global security framework remain. The cluster of papers which follow provide detailed studies of the effects of the War on Terror regime on civil society in four contexts: the USA, Spain, Kenya and Uzbekistan. In this way it lays a basis for civil society actors and aid agencies to reflect more strategically on how they should engage with security debates and initiatives in a way that best protects the spaces of civil society and the interests of minority and vulnerable groups. This introduction sets out the three key themes pursued throughout the cluster articles, namely, the selective impact of counter-terrorist measures on civil society; the particularity of civil society responsiveness to these measures; and the role of aid and diplomacy in pursuing security objectives and its consequences for civil society. [source]

    Defending Byzantine Spain: frontiers and diplomacy

    Jamie Wood
    The centrality of the Reconquista in the historiography of medieval Spain has meant that there has been little examination of the evidence for interaction on and across political boundaries in pre-Islamic Spain. This article re-examines existing theories about the defence of the Byzantine province of Spania that had been established by Justinian in the 550s and was taken by the Visigoths in 625. The two existing and opposing models for the extent, defence, and , therefore , the importance of the province to the empire do not explain the evidence convincingly. Rather, a fluid zone of interaction was established in which diplomacy and ,propaganda' was the primary means by which opposition was articulated. [source]