Depressed Areas (depressed + area)

Distribution by Scientific Domains


Selected Abstracts


Macroscopic Classificatrion of Early Colorectal Carcinoma: A Comparison Between Japan and China

DIGESTIVE ENDOSCOPY, Issue 4 2000
Fang-yu Wang
Background: To clarify the similarities and dissimilarities in the macroscopic classification criteria for early colorectal carcinoma (CRC) between Japan and China. Methods: Six early CRC cases were included in this study. Eleven Japanese and Chinese endoscopists were asked to review the colonoscopic pictures of these cases, including before and after indigocarmine spraying. After viewing the pictures, all the endoscopists individually made their classificatory diagnoses of these cases and indicated the findings on which they based each diagnosis. Results: Some lesions diagnosed by Japanese endoscopists as IIa or IIa + IIc, might be classified as Is or Isp by Chinese endoscopists. For superficial lesions consisting of elevation with central depression, IIa + depression, IIa + IIc or IIc + IIa were classified according to the ratio of elevated area/depressed area. However, international as well as interobserver differences still existed in the classification of such lesions. In addition, most Chinese endoscopists overlooked the slightly depressed part on the top of a protruded lesion. Conclusion: Discrepancies on macroscopic classification for early CRC do exist between Japanese and Chinese endoscopists, which were found not only in terminology, but also in recognition of some lesions. In order to develop a universal macroscopic classification, there is a great need for international communication and cooperation. [source]


The Transnational Capitalist Class and Contemporary Architecture in Globalizing Cities

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2005
LESLIE SKLAIR
The focus of this article is on the role of the transnational capitalist class (TCC) in and around architecture in the production and marketing of iconic buildings and spaces, in global or world cities. The TCC is conceptualized in terms of four fractions: (1) Those who own and/or and control the major transnational corporations and their local affiliates (corporate fraction). In architecture these are the major architectural, architecture-engineering and architecture-developer-real estate firms. In comparison with the major global consumer goods, energy and financial corporations the revenues of the biggest firms in the architecture industry are quite small. However, their importance for the built environment and their cultural importance, especially in cities, far outweighs their relative lack of financial and corporate muscle. (2) Globalizing politicians and bureaucrats (state fraction). These are the politicians and bureaucrats at all levels of administrative power and responsibility who actually decide what gets built where, and how changes to the built environment are regulated. (3) Globalizing professionals (technical fraction). The members of this fraction range from the leading technicians centrally involved in the structural features of new building to those responsible for the education of students and the public in architecture. (4) Merchants and media (consumerist fraction). These are the people who are responsible for the marketing of architecture in all its manifestations. (There is obviously some overlap between the membership of these fractions.). My conclusion is that many global and aspiring global cities have looked to iconic architecture as a prime strategy of urban intervention, often in the context of rehabilitation of depressed areas. The attempt to identify the agents most responsible for this transformation, namely the TCC, and to explain how they operate, suggests that deliberately iconic architecture is becoming a global phenomenon, specifically a central urban manifestation of the culture-ideology of consumerism. L'article porte sur la classe capitaliste transnationale (TCC) au sein et à la périphérie de l'architecture, et sur son rôle dans la production et la commercialisation de constructions et espaces iconiques dans les villes mondiales ou planétaires. Cette classe se conceptualise en quatre fractions: (1) Ceux qui détiennent et/ou contrôlent les principaux groupes transnationaux et leurs sociétés affiliées locales (fraction économique): En architecture, il existe de grands cabinets d'architecture, d'ingénierie en architecture et d'architectes promoteurs immobiliers. Par rapport aux grosses sociétés multinationales de la finance, de l'énergie ou des biens de consommation, les recettes des plus importants cabinets sont assez faibles; pourtant, leur place dans l'environnement construit et la culture, notamment en milieu urbain, compensent largement leur impact relativement mince sur le plan financier et économique. (2) Les acteurs politiques et bureaucratiques de la mondialisation (fraction étatique): Il s'agit des politicients et bureaucrates à tous les niveaux de responsabilié et de pouvoir administratifs qui décident effectivement de ce qui est construit et où, ainsi que de la régulation des changements apportés à l'environnement construit. (3) Les acteurs professionnels de la mondialisation (fraction technique): Leur diversité va des techniciens de renom, surtout impliqués dans les caractéristiques structurelles des nouveaux bâtiments, à ceux qui sont chargés d'enseigner l'architecture aux étudiants et d'éduquer le public. (4) Marchands et médias (fraction consumériste): Ce sont les personnes responsables de la commercialisation de l'architecture dans toutes ses manifestations. Ces quatre fractions présentent bien sûr des intersections. On peut déduire que bon nombre de villes planétaires , ou aspirant à le devenir , ont opté pour une architecture iconique comme première stratégie d'intervention urbaine, souvent dans un contexte de réhabilitation de zones en déclin. Identifier les principaux agents responsables de cette transformation (la TCC) et expliquer leur mode de fonctionnement conduit à suggérer qu'une architecture délibérément iconique devient un phénomène mondial, plus précisément une manifestation urbaine essentielle de l'idéologie-culture du consumérisme. [source]


Equity in Toxic Tort Litigation: Unjust Enrichment and the Poor,

LAW & POLICY, Issue 2 2004
ALLAN KANNER
This paper proposes to explore the current and prospective role of equitable theories and remedies in toxic tort litigation. The argument is for an unjust enrichment remedy in certain property pollution cases. The idea is to remove the monetary incentive for polluting economically depressed areas. Two specific areas of investigation come immediately to mind. First, courts have already embraced equitable remedies to address pollution damages. Under Ayers and its progeny, many states have allowed the equitable remedy medical monitoring. What is important to understand is how legal relief for increased risk claims would have been inadequate and also the propriety of finding an equitable approach. Second, moving from personal injury to real property damage claims, we see a similar opportunity for use of equitable relief under an unjust enrichment theory. Currently, there is much debate about the propriety of restoration damages as opposed to fair market value (FMV) damages for the landowners whose property is damaged by the pollution of another. Each approach has various strengths and weaknesses. A better approach might be to use unjust enrichment on a law and economics basis as a remedy to force polluters to internalize the cost of pollution. For instance, take a polluter who pollutes the neighboring environs in lieu of paying one million dollars in disposal and storage costs. Assume the neighboring properties are only worth three hundred thousand dollars on a FMV approach. Assume further that restoration costs are ten million dollars, but that the relevant government agency would accept a natural attenuation clean-up approach. How should the remedy be set, and should one consider allowing a de facto pollution easement? [source]


Connective tissue panniculitis in a child with vitiligo and Hashimoto's thyroiditis

AUSTRALASIAN JOURNAL OF DERMATOLOGY, Issue 1 2006
Basit Mirza
SUMMARY A 9-year-old girl presented with a 6-month history of inflamed tender nodules in the pretibial area. These eventually healed leaving depressed areas of atrophy and loss of subcutaneous tissue. Histology showed a predominantly lymphocytic lobular panniculitis, consistent with connective tissue panniculitis. Investigations revealed an elevated thyroid stimulating hormone, elevated thyroid antiperoxidase antibody and a weakly positive antinuclear antibody (titre 1 in 40). She was commenced on hydroxychloroquine 300 mg daily, which resulted in resolution of the panniculitis. She developed focal vitiligo on the thighs. This gradually improved with 0.1% mometasone furoate ointment. The hydroxychloroquine dose was tapered to 200 mg daily after 12 months, then to 100 mg daily after 18 months therapy. Her thyroid autoantibody levels continued to rise and the hydroxychloroquine was increased again to 300 mg daily. She became borderline hypothyroid. Hashimoto's thyroiditis was diagnosed. Thyroxine was instituted with a resultant improvement in her thyroid blood tests. The lipoatrophy has not developed further during 2-year follow up. [source]