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Cultural Autonomy (cultural + autonomy)
Selected AbstractsNational Cultural Autonomy and its Contemporary CriticsNATIONS AND NATIONALISM, Issue 2 2006BRUCE HADDOCK [source] From Cultural Transfer to Cultural Autonomy.ORBIS LITERARUM, Issue 4 2002German-American Almanacs of the Eighteenth, Nineteenth Centuries First page of article [source] A Bargaining Theory of Minority Demands: Explaining the Dog that Did not Bite in 1990s YugoslaviaINTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2004Erin Jenne This article develops a general theory of bargaining between a minority, its host state, and outside lobby actor to explain why minorities shift their demands from affirmative action to cultural autonomy to secessionism and back, often in the absence of clear economic or security incentives. This paper uses a simple game tree model to show that if a minority believes that it enjoys significant support from a powerful national homeland or other external actor, it radicalized its demands against the host state, even if the center has credibly committed to protect minority rights. Conversely, if a minority believes that it enjoys no external support, then it will accommodate the host state, even in the presence of significant majority repression. As a general theory of claim-making, this model challenges structural theories of demands that rely on static economic differences or historical grievances to explain claim-making. It also challenges security dilemma arguments that hold that minority radicalization is mainly a function of ethnic fears. The model's hypotheses are tested using longitudinal analysis of Hungarians in Vojvodina during the 1990s, as the Yugoslav dog that "barked but did not bite." Careful examination of claim-making in this case demonstrates the superior explanatory power of the ethnic bargaining model as compared with dominant theories of minority mobilization in the literature. [source] Liberal nationalism and the sovereign territorial ideal1NATIONS AND NATIONALISM, Issue 1 2006GENEVIÈVE NOOTENS ABSTRACT. Even if most liberals nowadays recognise that liberalism depends on some nationalist justification of popular sovereignty and state boundaries, they still underestimate the consequences of the fact that the sovereign territorial ideal is at the heart of the modern state. Therefore, their normative stance either oscillates between fairness and stability requirements (Kymlicka) or is built on a distinction between self-rule and self-determination that contradicts the normative import of the modern idea of the nation (Tamir). However, there exist counter-traditions that may be helpful in challenging the assumption on behalf of the sovereign territorial state. National cultural autonomy is one of these; it is used here to show how starting from different premises, one may escape the ,statist assumption' and work out a political framework which would be fairer to minorities. [source] |