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Activism
Kinds of Activism Selected AbstractsTHE BLUR: BALANCING APPLIED ANTHROPOLOGY, ACTIVISM, AND SELF VIS-À-VIS IMMIGRANT COMMUNITIESANNALS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL PRACTICE, Issue 1 2009Alayne Unterberger Anthropologists who work with immigrant communities engage in culture change while balancing challenges, competing priorities, and politics. This Bulletin provides a rare view into the personal and professional when working as both an advocate and an academic simultaneously. I provide a basic overview of the history of anthropologists engaging immigrant communities, which overlaps with the movement of anthropology and education, Americanization projects, and refugee anthropology. Next, I present an overview of three themes that emerge from the articles in this Bulletin. I end with a series of discussion points that could be utilized for classes or as a framework for anthropologists engaged with vulnerable immigrant groups in social change. I appreciate the amazing efforts of all the contributors in this Bulletin and the unwavering support provided to us by David Himmelgreen and Satish Kedia, coeditors of the NAPA Bulletin series, without which this Bulletin would not have happened at all. [source] Antecedents of Shareholder Activism in Target Firms: Evidence from a Multi-Country StudyCORPORATE GOVERNANCE, Issue 4 2010William Q. Judge ABSTRACT Manuscript Type: Empirical Research Question/Issue: This study seeks to better understand the antecedents of shareholder activism targeted at firms located in three common law countries (i.e., USA, UK, and Australia) and three civil law countries (Japan, Germany, and South Korea) during the 2003,07 time period. Research Findings/Insights: Our findings suggest that the antecedents of shareholder activism vary by the motivation of the activist. We demonstrate that activists target firms with two motives (a) to improve the financial performance, and (b) to improve the social performance of the firm. With respect to the target firm level antecedents, we find that firm size is unrelated to financial activism, but positively related to social activism; ownership concentration is negatively related to both financial and social activism; and prior profitability is negatively related to financial activism, but positively related to social activism. Further, these relationships in the case of financial activism are generally stronger in common law legal systems, whereas those in the case of social activism are generally stronger in environments with a greater level of income inequality. Theoretical/Academic Implications: Our findings suggest that future research should differentiate between the motivations of the activism event. Further, we find that while agency logic works well for financial activism, institutional theory provides stronger explanations for social activism. Overall, we demonstrate the complementary nature of these two theories in explaining shareholder activism. Practitioner/Policy Implications: We found that the "exposure" to shareholder activism varies by the motivation of the activist, and the nature of the firm and its national context. An understanding of these issues would help firms develop proper response strategies to activism events. [source] Shareholder Activism: Corporate Governance Reform in Korea , By Han-Kyun RhoCORPORATE GOVERNANCE, Issue 6 2007Woochan Kim No abstract is available for this article. [source] SPECTACLES OF SEXUALITY: Televisionary Activism in NicaraguaCULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue 1 2008CYMENE HOWE ABSTRACT This article develops the concept of "televisionary" activism,a mediated form of social justice messaging that attempts to transform culture. Focusing on a locally produced and very popular television show in Nicaragua, I consider how social justice knowledge is produced through television characters' scripting and performance. The ideological underpinnings aspire to a dialogic engagement with the audience, as producers aim to both generate public discourse and benefit from audiences' suggestions and active engagement. Several levels of media advocacy interventions are considered including the production, scripting, and translation of transnational material into local registers. Televisionary activism offers challenges to several conservative social values in Nicaragua by placing topics such as abortion, domestic violence, sexual abuse, homosexuality, and lesbianism very explicitly into the public sphere. At the same time, sexual subjects on the small screen must be framed in particular ways, as, for instance, with the homosexual subjects who are carefully coiffed in normalized human dramas. Finally, many of these televisionary tactics draw from and engage with transnational tropes of identity politics, and "gay" and "lesbian" subjectivity in particular, confounding the relationship between real and idealized sexual subjects in Nicaragua. That is, these televisionary tactics "market" transnational identity politics but derive legitimacy through their very "localness." [source] Finding the Movement: Sexuality, Contested Space, and Feminist Activism by Anne EnkeGENDER & HISTORY, Issue 1 2009KAREN CHRISTEL KRAHULIK No abstract is available for this article. [source] Rethinking the Personal and the Political: Feminist Activism and Civic EngagementHYPATIA, Issue 4 2007THERESA MAN LING LEE The slogan "the personal is political" captures the distinctive challenge to the public-private divide posed by contemporary feminists. As such, feminist activism is not necessarily congruent with civic engagement, which is predicated on the paradoxical need to both bridge and sustain the public-private divide. Lee argues that rather than subverting the divide, the politics of the personal offers an alternative understanding of civic engagement that aims to reinstate individuals' dignity and agency. [source] Transnational Activism: What's New, What's NotINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 2 2006CLIFFORD BOB No abstract is available for this article. [source] London Business School Roundtable on Shareholder Activism in the U.K.JOURNAL OF APPLIED CORPORATE FINANCE, Issue 2 2006Article first published online: 16 JUN 200 Finance scholars have produced little evidence of the effectiveness of direct attempts by institutional shareholders to improve corporate performance. What studies we have,focused mainly on the activities of U.S. pension funds,show no clear effect on shareholder returns. But a new study of shareholder activism in the U.K. looks promising. The subject of the study is a "Focus Fund," launched in 1998 by the U.K. investment firm Hermes, whose aim is to identify underperforming companies, propose changes to their managements and boards, and,in contrast to the practices of the best-known U.S. shareholder activists,work mainly "behind the scenes" with the companies to bring about those changes. In keeping with the more private nature of U.K. activism, which reflects in part the fewer restrictions on communication between companies and their investors than in the U S., the study's method of investigation is also notably different from the methods used in studies of U.S. investors. Four academics were allowed to examine Hermes' records of its "engagements" with companies, including letters, recordings and transcripts of telephone conversations, and the staff's personal notes and recollections. Using this information, the researchers show that the Fund has been remarkably successful in bringing about three kinds of proposed changes: replacements of CEOs and Chairmen; changes in investment and financial policies (mainly increased payouts and more disciplined capital spending); and restructurings (typically leading to greater corporate focus). Of equal importance, the study also shows that the market reaction to the announcement of such changes has been significantly positive, and that the cumulative effect of these positive reactions accounts for as much as 90% of the Fund's impressive "alpha," or market out-performance, over its eight-year life. The first public presentation of these findings took place on February 9 at the inaugural event of the London Business School's Center for the Study of Corporate Governance. In our account of the event, an overview of the study's findings by two of its authors is followed by an "insider's" view of the Hermes' success story (presented by the Chief Executive of the Fund from 2002,2004) and a panel discussion of the general import of the findings featuring four distinguished practitioners. [source] The Correlates of Antinuclear Activism: Attitudes, Subjective Norms, and EfficacyJOURNAL OF APPLIED SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 3 2000LEE FOX-CARDAMONE Ajzen's (1988) theory of planned behavior was modified and used to examine antinuclear behavior. Subjects completed a questionnaire measuring their antinuclear attitudes, their perceptions of support for taking antinuclear action, and their perceptions of efficacy in this arena. Then, an antinuclear behavioral intentions questionnaire was presented, as well as several opportunities to engage in various antinuclear actions. Regression analyses indicated that Ajzen's model was supported to the extent that attitude emerged as a significant predictor of antinuclear intentions and behaviors. Subjective norms and efficacy were not significant predictors of either intentions or behaviors. Models incorporating behavior-specific attitude measures accounted for more variance than did models using more general attitude measures toward nuclear war/weapons. [source] The Internet and Anti-War Activism: A Case Study of Information, Expression, and ActionJOURNAL OF COMPUTER-MEDIATED COMMUNICATION, Issue 1 2006Seungahn Nah This case study examines how traditional and Internet news use, as well as face-to-face and online political discussion, contributed to political participation during the period leading up to the Iraq War. A Web-based survey of political dissenters (N = 307) conducted at the start of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq provides the data used to examine the relationships among informational media use, online and face-to-face political discussion, and political participation among the respondents, who were recruited through blogs, discussion boards, and listservs opposing the Iraq war. Analyses reveal that among these respondents, Internet news use contributed to both face-to-face and online discussion about the situation in Iraq. Online and face-to-face political discussion mediated certain news media effects on anti-war political participation. The study stresses the complementary role of Web news use and online political discussion relative to traditional modes of political communication in spurring political participation. [source] Private Environmental Activism and the Selection and Response of Firm TargetsJOURNAL OF ECONOMICS & MANAGEMENT STRATEGY, Issue 1 2009Michael J. Lenox Environmental activists are increasingly resorting to private strategies such as boycotts and protests focused on changing individual firms' behavior. In this paper, we examine activists' use of such "private politics" to engender firm compliance with activist objectives. We begin by developing a simple theoretical model of an activist campaign from which we develop a set of empirical hypotheses based on a set of observable features of firms. We test our hypotheses using a unique dataset of environmental activist campaigns against firms in the United States from 1988 to 2003. This paper fills an important need in the literature as one of the first empirical attempts to examine the private political strategies of activists and has important implications for the burgeoning literatures on industry self-regulation and the nonmarket strategies of firms. [source] Activism, Ideology, and Federalism: Judicial Behavior in Constitutional Challenges Before the Rehnquist Court, 1986,2000JOURNAL OF EMPIRICAL LEGAL STUDIES, Issue 2 2006Rorie Spill Solberg In this study, we evaluate the individual voting behavior of the justices on the Rehnquist Court in cases raising constitutional challenges to federal, state, and local legislation. Using activism, federalism, and ideology as our guiding principles, we evaluate the extent to which the justices' voting behavior is consistent with the conventional wisdom that conservatives are more restraintist and more likely to protect states' rights in conformity with Chief Justice Rehnquist's focus on federalism. Although we find that there is some correlation between judicial ideology and activism, with liberals more activist than conservatives in general, we also find that the conservative wing of the Rehnquist Court is also largely guided by its own ideological reaction to the substantive policy embodied in the laws at issue. Thus, conservative justices as well as liberals are likely to strike down state laws when those laws fail to conform to the ideological preferences. This result underscores the importance of the attitudinal model of judicial behavior as an explanation of voting patterns on the Court, regardless of the justices' rhetoric in favor of judicial restraint or states' rights. [source] Counting the Dead: The Culture and Politics of Human Rights Activism in Colombia by Winifred TateJOURNAL OF LATIN AMERICAN & CARIBBEAN ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue 2 2009Maximilian Viatori No abstract is available for this article. [source] Greening Brazil: Environmental Activism in State and Society by Kathryn Hochstetler and Margaret KeckJOURNAL OF LATIN AMERICAN & CARIBBEAN ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue 1 2009Benjamin Junge First page of article [source] Making Indigenous Citizens: Identity, Development, and Multicultural Activism in PeruJOURNAL OF LATIN AMERICAN & CARIBBEAN ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue 2 2005Maria Elena Garcia [source] Moral Emotions and Social Activism: The Case of Animal RightsJOURNAL OF SOCIAL ISSUES, Issue 3 2009Harold A. Herzog Why do some people and not others become involved in social movements? We examined the relationships between a moral emotion,disgust,and animal activism, attitudes toward animal welfare, and consumption of meat. Participants were recruited through two social networking websites and included animal activists, promoters of animal use, and participants not involved in animal-related causes. They took an online survey which included measures of sensitivity to visceral disgust, attitudes toward animal welfare, and frequency of meat eating. Animal activists were more sensitive to visceral disgust than were promoters of animal use or nonaligned participants. Disgust sensitivity was positively correlated with attitudes toward animal welfare but not with meat consumption. The relationship between animal activism and vegetarianism was complex; nearly half of animal activists ate meat, and half of the vegetarians did not consider themselves to be animal activists. We argue that conflicts over the moral status of animals reflect fundamental differences in moral intuitions. [source] The Jacksonian Origins of Chase Court ActivismJOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY, Issue 1 2000Mark A. Graber [source] Ideational Origins of Progressive Judicial Activism: The Colombian Constitutional Court and the Right to HealthLATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 3 2010Rodrigo M. Nunes ABSTRACT Why do some constitutional transitions trigger the emergence of progressive judicial activism? This article addresses this question through an analysis of the creation of the Colombian Constitutional Court and its subsequent activism toward rights in general and the right to health in particular. This research suggests that ideational variables are crucial to explain this outcome. On the one hand, the Constitutional Court's behavior reflects the dominance of the institutional conception that it is the judiciary's role to help fulfill the promises of the constitutional text. On the other, programmatic beliefs about the relationship between the rule of law and market-driven economic growth led powerholders to create the court and appoint judges with this orientation. The emergence of progressive judicial activism in Colombia, this analysis suggests, was the unexpected outcome of purposeful political choices made by proponents of neoliberal economics. [source] Under the Law: Legal Consciousness and Radical Environmental ActivismLAW & SOCIAL INQUIRY, Issue 4 2009Erik D. Fritsvold A growing body of sociolegal scholarship focuses the study of law away from formal texts and legal institutions and toward the experiences and perceptions of "everyday" citizens. This study introduces seventeen "radical" environmentalists who engage a repertoire of tactics that includes some actions that involve relatively severe forms of illegality. This research seeks to investigate the role of civil disobedience and lawbreaking within the radical environmental movement and the corresponding legal consciousness of movement actors. Utilizing ethnographic fieldwork and content analysis, this analysis suggests that Ewick and Silbey's (1998) three-tiered model of legal consciousness is an operative starting point, but could be enhanced through theoretical expansion. This study proposes a new category of legal consciousness,Under the Law,that views the law as the protector and defender of a social order that is fundamentally illegitimate. Under the Law is qualitatively different from existing conceptualizations of legal consciousness and reaffirms the mutually constitutive nature of law and society. [source] Judicial Activism in Perilous Times: The Turkish CaseLAW & SOCIETY REVIEW, Issue 2 2009Murat Tezcür Under what circumstances do courts act in ways that challenge the political hegemony of the military in countries with weak democratic institutions? This article addresses this question by focusing on a critical case of judicial activism in Turkey. It argues that lower courts unexpectedly can be centers of judicial activism that contributes to expansion of civil liberties and restrictions on arbitrary state power when the high judiciary supports the political status quo. This is because lower courts provide greater access to legal mobilization pursued by civil society actors. At the same time, judicial activism in lower courts is sustainable only when political power is distributed among elites with conflicting interests, and the civilian government offers support and protection to activist members of the judiciary. [source] Women's Social Activism in the New Ukraine: Development and the Politics of Differentiation by Sarah PhillipsAMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Issue 4 2009TANYA RICHARDSON No abstract is available for this article. [source] Counting the Dead: The Culture and Politics of Human Rights Activism in Colombia by Winifred TateAMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Issue 4 2009LESLEY GILL No abstract is available for this article. [source] Beyond Red Power: American Indian Politics and Activism since 1900 edited by Daniel M. Cobb and Loretta FowlerAMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Issue 3 2009ANDREA SMITH No abstract is available for this article. [source] Empowering Women in Russia: Activism, Aid, and NGOs by Julie HemmentAMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Issue 1 2009MICHELE RIVKIN-FISH No abstract is available for this article. [source] "Peace Is the Concern of Every Mother": Communist and Social Democratic Women's Antiwar Activism in British Columbia, 1948,1960PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 4 2010Brian T. Thorn This article discusses the antiwar activism of Canadian women within two left-wing political movements: the revolutionary Communist Party of Canada and the social democratic Co-Operative Commonwealth Federation. The piece focuses on the period from 1948 to 1960, which is often seen as a time of retreat for the feminist movement in North America. This article engages in a critical dialogue with the concept of "maternalism," the notion that women had a special responsibility to speak out against wars and international conflicts that threatened the lives of the world's children and the husbands, brothers, and sons who would be killed in future wars. Maternalist ideology represented a double-edged sword for these left-wing women and for feminism. On one hand, it offered them a route into radical protest against war and capitalism. On the other hand, in its portrayal of women as "natural" wives and mothers, maternalism, at least in the short term, failed to advance women's equality. Nonetheless, this article concludes that, given the conservative context of the time, maternalism was a useful strategy for the left as well as for feminism. [source] A Merger of Movements: Peace and Civil Rights Activism in Postwar MiamiPEACE & CHANGE, Issue 2 2010Raymond A. Mohl This article suggests the importance of studying local peace movements in postwar America, as civil rights historians have been doing for two decades. The article also argues that peace and civil rights often reflected the same progressive impulse for social justice,thus the importance of exploring the relationships and interconnections between the two movements. This case study of peace and civil rights in postwar Miami documents the role of politically progressive Jews, especially Jewish women, in forging a social justice movement focused on peace, civil liberties, and civil rights. Mostly newcomers from northern cities, a small group of activist Jews played a major organizational role in local branches of such civil rights and peace groups as the Civil Rights Congress, the Congress of Racial Equality, the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy, and Women Strike for Peace. For those who chose the activist path, peace and civil rights became inseparable components of a local social justice crusade challenging racial segregation and national Cold War policies. [source] An Environmental Origin of Antinuclear Activism in Japan, 1954,1963: The Government, the Grassroots Movement, and the Politics of RiskPEACE & CHANGE, Issue 3 2008Toshihiro Higuchi This paper challenges the centrality of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in our understanding of Japan's antinuclear activism. Focusing on the social distribution and perception of the fallout d*anger, I reexamine the symbiotic dynamics of governmental diplomacy and the grassroots movement against nuclear tests from 1954 to 1963. I argue that radioactive pollution during the Bikini incident triggered a consumerist and materialist turn in the peace movement with housewives at the center. Initially resisting the citizens' perception of risk, the conservative administration by 1957 came to embrace it and launched diplomacy against nuclear tests to steal people's support away from the grassroots movement. At this crucial moment, the grassroots movement's leadership switched its focus from fallout to the "war policy" in the West, which brought about a paradigm shift from the consumerist and materialist platform toward militant workerism for socialist peace. Now disparaging fallout as merely a "physical phenomenon," the campaign leaders left the environmental angle exposed in 1961 when the Soviet Union unilaterally broke a test moratorium in effect since 1958. While the government's diplomacy, shrewdly stressing the fallout danger, applied a blow to the campaign, the group was split and paralyzed over a protest of Soviet fallout until it dissolved in 1963. The Japanese experience ultimately proved to be an abortive attempt to grasp the environmental legacy of the Bikini incident. [source] Questions of Communism and Anticommunism in Twentieth-Century American Student ActivismPEACE & CHANGE, Issue 3 2001J. Angus Johnston The question of the proper relationship between the communist and noncommunist left was long one of the most divisive in American radical politics, and it has retained its resonance in the historiography of the twentieth century. Before, during, and after the Cold War, American students displayed an extemporaneous, fluid approach to both the theory and practice of organizing, and communist and noncommunist student activists regularly forged significant bonds in defiance of off-campus pressure. This article traces some of the sources and consequences of that striking propensity. [source] Women's Social Activism in the New Ukraine by Sarah D. PhillipsPOLAR: POLITICAL AND LEGAL ANTHROPOLOGY REVIEW, Issue 2010Alexandra Hrycak First page of article [source] Birth Order Effects and Rebelliousness: Political Activism and Involvement with MarijuanaPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 2 2002Richard L. Zweigenhaft Frank Sulloway (1996) has claimed that later-borns are more likely to rebel against the status quo than are firstborns. The two studies reported here attempt to examine more fully Sulloway's claims about rebelliousness. The studies draw on archival data from studies of high school and college students in a midwestern state between 1969 and 1982. The current studies compare the effects of birth order, gender, family size, and father's education on two self-report measures: participation in protests and demonstrations, and involvement with marijuana. The data on involvement with marijuana provided support for Sulloway's thesis that later-borns are more rebellious than firstborns, but the data on participation in protests and demonstrations did not. These mixed findings, which contribute to the ongoing debate about Sulloway's theory, are discussed. [source] | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||