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Constituencies
Kinds of Constituencies Selected AbstractsNational Politics, Indigenous Constituencies, and Cultural Change in Southern Venezuela Commentary on "State-led Democratic Politics ,"JOURNAL OF LATIN AMERICAN & CARIBBEAN ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue 1 2006Chris J. Shepherd [source] Empire, Patriotism and the Working-Class Electorate: The 1900 General Election in the Battersea ConstituencyPARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 3 2009IAIN SHARPE The extent to which the Unionist victory in the ,khaki' general election of 1900 was the result of patriotic sentiment arising from the South African war has long been a source of controversy among historians. Battersea has been cited as an area that was largely unaffected by patriotic and imperial fervour during this period. This article examines the general election campaign in the Battersea constituency. The sitting MP, John Burns, was re-elected despite his opposition to the war, but the Conservatives achieved their highest percentage vote of that at any parliamentary election between 1885 and 1918. While the war was not the only issue raised during the campaign, it was the most prominent and clearly benefited the imperialist and pro-war Conservative candidate. In order to retain his seat Burns had to fight a far more dynamic local campaign than his opponent, and even then he won only narrowly. Although imperial sentiment was not quite enough to oust Burns from this otherwise safe seat, it was the main reason for the strong Conservative performance. [source] Nonindigenous Species: Ecological Explanation, Environmental Ethics, and Public PolicyCONSERVATION BIOLOGY, Issue 1 2003David M. Lodge Misunderstandings and tension exist regarding the science, values, environmental ethics, and public policy relevant to invasive species, which are the subset of nonindigenous species that cause economic or environmental damage. Although there is a natural background rate at which species invasions occur, it is much lower than the current human-induced rates at which species are being moved around the globe. Contrary to some recently voiced opinions , the fact that some species invasions occur without human assistance does not confer acceptability on all species invasions. Also, despite claims to the contrary, the reductions of native biodiversity caused by nonindigenous species are large and well documented. Even if that were not true, an emphasis on species numbers alone as a metric for the impact of nonindigenous species does not adequately incorporate the high value many humans place on the uniqueness of regional biota. Because regional biota are being homogenized by species invasions, it has become an appropriate and official public policy goal in the United States to reduce the harm done by invasive species. The goal is not, however, a reduction of numbers of nonindigenous species per se, as recently claimed by some authors, but a reduction in the damage caused by invasive species, including many sorts of environmental and economic damage. A major challenge remaining for ecology, environmental ethics, and public policy is therefore the development of widely applicable risk-assessment protocols that are acceptable to diverse constituencies. Despite apparent disagreements among scholars, little real disagreement exists about the occurrence, effects, or public-policy implications of nonindigenous species. Resumen: El público está recibiendo un mensaje confuso de ecologistas, otros académicos y periodistas sobre el tema de especies no nativas. Existen malos entendidos y tensión en relación con la ciencia, los valores, la ética ambiental y las políticas públicas relevantes a las especies invasoras, que son un subconjunto de las especies no nativas que causan daños económicos o ambientales. Aunque existe una tasa natural a la que ocurren invasiones, es mucho más baja que las actuales tasas, inducidas por humanos, a las que especies son movidas alrededor del mundo. Al contrario de algunos autores recientes, el hecho de que algunas invasiones de especies ocurren sin asistencia humana no le confiere aceptabilidad moral sobre todas las invasiones de especies. También, a pesar de recientes afirmaciones de lo contrario, las reducciones de biodiversidad nativa debido a especies no nativas son notables y están bien documentadas. Aún si no fuera verdad, el énfasis sólo en el número de especies como una medida del impacto de especies no nativas no incorpora adecuadamente el alto valor que muchos humanos reconocen en la singularidad de la biota regional. Debido a que la biota regional está siendo homogeneizada por invasiones de especies, la reducción del daño causado por especies invasoras se ha convertido en una política pública apropiada y oficial en los Estados Unidos. Sin embargo, la meta no es la reducción de especies no nativas, en si, como afirman algunos autores recientes, sino una reducción de los impactos dañinos de las especies invasoras, incluyendo muchos tipos de daño económico y ambiental. Por lo tanto, un reto mayor para la ecología, la ética ambiental y la política pública es el desarrollo de protocolos de evaluación de riesgos ampliamente aplicables que sean aceptables para electores diversos. A pesar de aparentes desacuerdos entre académicos, existe poco desacuerdo real acerca de la ocurrencia, el impacto o las implicancias en política pública de las especies no nativas. [source] Ethics and Altruism: What Constitutes Socially Responsible Design?DESIGN MANAGEMENT REVIEW, Issue 3 2005Rachel Cooper Businesses are making responsible design an explicit feature of their development processes and long-term competitive strategies. Initiatives range from responding to the needs of less privileged and underserved constituencies to design for safety and design against crime. Rachel Cooper surveys these perspectives, their sources, and the effects they are having on the design profession, the corporate community, and society in general. [source] HOW DID THE 2003 PRESCRIPTION DRUG RE-IMPORTATION BILL PASS THE HOUSE?ECONOMICS & POLITICS, Issue 1 2006OMER GOKCEKUS We examine the major interest groups in the debate over allowing the re-importation of prescription drugs by utilizing a logit model and instrumental variables. Consistent with political support approach, the evidence suggests that Representatives are maximizing their electoral prospects: contributions from pharmaceutical manufacturers shrink the probability of voting for the bill; and Representatives are sensitive to their constituencies , employees of pharmaceutical manufacturing and senior citizens. Representatives' gender and ideology regarding free trade and subsidies are also determining factors. However, the decision was, by and large, a partisan one: party affiliation was the most important factor in passing the bill. [source] The frog pond beauty contest: Physical attractiveness and electoral success of the constituency candidates at the North Rhine-Westphalia state election of 2005EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 1 2008ULRICH ROSAR Since posters with photographs of these candidates are omnipresent on the streets during the election campaign, many voters are at least familiar with their facial appearance. As a consequence, the attractiveness of the constituency candidates substantially influences voter behaviour. This is shown by the example of the North Rhine-Westphalia state election of 2005. Judgments about the attractiveness of the constituency candidates were collected by means of a web survey among members of an online access panel. Respondents were confronted with portrait photographs of local candidates and asked to rate their attractiveness. According to the truth-of-consensus method, the attractiveness score of a candidate is computed by averaging across the different ratings he or she has received. Voter behaviour is captured by the real-life election results in the constituencies. [source] Spatially Disaggregated Modelling of Voting Outcomes and Socio-Economic Characteristics at the 2001 Australian Federal ElectionGEOGRAPHICAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2006ROBERT STIMSON Abstract This study uses GIS and spatial modelling to relate voting outcomes at the 2001 federal election for polling booths across Australia with the socio-economic characteristics of polling booth catchment areas. The data and analysis used are more detailed and comprehensive than previous studies. It is conducted at a fine level of spatial disaggregation across the whole nation to examine voting outcomes for both major and minor political parties. Because the aim of the paper is to distinguish voting outcomes between political parties rather than to predict voting outcomes for particular political parties, a discriminant analysis is used rather than regression analysis. The statistical discriminant analysis identifies two main socio-economic dimensions that are able to predict polling booth outcomes with a relatively high degree of accuracy. That analysis shows how, at the 2001 federal election, the middle ground, in terms of socio-economic characteristics, was being claimed by the Liberal Party, Country Liberal Party, The Greens, and, to a lesser extent, by the Australian Labor Party. However, the Australian Democrats, National Party and One Nation had more distinctive constituencies, with the National Party and One Nation Party competing for areas with similar socio-economic characteristics. Using GIS mapping tools, examples of actual and predicted polling booth voting outcomes are given, along with selected socio-economic characteristics of booth catchments. [source] LIVESTOCK VERSUS "WILD BEASTS": CONTRADICTIONS IN THE NATURAL PATRIMONIALIZATION OF THE PYRENEESGEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW, Issue 4 2009ISMAEL VACCARO ABSTRACT. The Pyrenees are becoming an environmental reservoir. The acute human depopulation experienced during the twentieth century and the progressive appropriation of large parts of the mountainous territory by the state in order to implement conservation policies have resulted in the return, via reintroduction or natural regeneration, of bears, wolves, beavers, river otters, marmots, mouflon, feral goats, and deer, among other species. This development, however, has not occurred without social and scientific controversy and leads to questions about territorialization and governmentality. Herders perceive wild animals as unregulated public property subsidized by the work of the local populace. Agriculturalists see their fields trespassed on a daily basis by animals they cannot kill because of their protected status. Ranchers, under extremely strict sanitation regulations, see their animals coming into contact with these unchecked wild populations. The work and living space of the mountain communities has fallen under the jurisdiction of external institutions and constituencies that value conservation and ecotourism above local subsistence. [source] The Elephant in the Corner?GEOGRAPHY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 2 2010Reviewing India-Africa Relations in the New Millennium As countries of the ,global South' seek to challenge existing uneven architectures of economic, political and institutional power, now under different circumstances to those prevailing during the Cold War, relations between African countries and various ,Rising Powers' have drawn a great deal of academic and public attention. This scrutiny has been heavily tilted towards analysis of China's African activities. This paper aims to partially redress this balance with an introductory review of India's contemporary relations with sub-Saharan Africa. A number of analysts suggest that in the longer term, India may well achieve a more prosperous and stable economy than China, while in the shorter term, its economic and political profile may result in a more productive relationship for many different African countries, sectors and constituencies. But India will also bring its own challenges in its African commercial interactions, bilateral relations and through its part in shaping the multilateral polity and global economy. This paper therefore aims to critically review contemporary India-Africa relations on four broad thematic points. 1Changing geographies of Indo-African relations; 2Trade and foreign direct investment; 3Development cooperation; and 4Geopolitics and diplomacy. India's confidence as a global political and economic actor is apparent in its African diplomacy and economic engagements, but claims to exceptionalism (relative both to Chinese and Western actors) in such relations are not as self-evident as some have asserted. Whether recent shifts in relations between African nations and India will work in the interests of less privileged citizens, workers and consumers in Africa and in India also remain unclear. [source] Is Thabo Mbeki Africa's Saviour?INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, Issue 4 2003Gerrit Olivier Foreign relations are the main preoccupation of South African president, Thabo Mbeki. His role perception is dominated by a mission to improve the plight of Africa, and second to that, to act as the Third World's überdiplomat. Under his administration, South Africa's foreign policy has become almost an adjunct of his more holistic diplomatic pursuits. The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) is the magnum opus of Mbeki's foreign policy, and the success or failure of this grand design for an African renaissance will determine his legacy and make or break his leadership in South Africa and in the rest of Africa. The success of his NEPAD diplomacy is a daunting task, requiring the support of his African peers, his South African constituency, and the leadership of the developed nations of the world. Dealing with these diverse elements, Mbeki's policy-making oscillates between realism and idealism, and between ideology and interests, giving the impression of a style of a prudent bureaucrat rather than that of a single-minded reformer. In the end, his diplomacy seems to founder because it fails to satisfy the contradictory demands of any of these three constituencies. However, even if NEPAD should fail as a project, its role could be that of a harbinger of a new political and economic era in Africa and the movement away from post-colonial orthodoxy. [source] The Participant's Dilemma: Bringing Conflict and Representation Back InINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2010DEBBIE BECHER Abstract Innovations in democratic participation involving small-scale, long-term focused governing bodies have increased citizen influence in poor American urban neighborhoods. Scholars have described these emerging forms of participation as essentially cooperative in spirit and directly democratic in nature. I argue that the new participatory regimes continue to involve social processes of representation and conflict inherent to more traditional forms of engagement. Participants move dynamically between cooperation and conflict and between participating as individuals and representing constituencies. This article presents a careful study of how a single decision developed and was implemented in such a participatory experiment, the American Street Empowerment Zone in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA, between 1994 and 2008. Archival and interview data support the general perspective shared by articles in this symposium , that participation involves dynamic movement between conflict and cooperation. This article suggests that the durability of the participatory regime depends not on the level of conflict but on how participants move between displaying identification with either government or their community constituents. This article uses the concept of intermediation to describe this kind of dynamism and to reflect the flexibility a participatory structure must nurture to endure. Résumé Les innovations en matière de participation démocratique qui impliquent des organes de gouvernement ,uvrant à petite échelle et à long terme ont accru l'influence des habitants dans les quartiers urbains pauvres américains. D'après certains auteurs, ces formes nouvelles de participation sont, dans l'esprit, essentiellement coopératives et, par nature, directement démocratique. Il est exposé ici que les nouveaux régimes participatifs font encore intervenir des processus sociaux de représentation et de conflit propres à des formes d'engagement plus traditionnelles. Les participants oscillent de manière dynamique entre coopération et conflit, et entre participation en tant qu'individus et représentation collective. Cet article présente une étude minutieuse de la manière dont une décision a étéélaborée et mise en ,uvre dans le cadre d'une expérience participative de ce type, ,American Street Empowerment Zone'à Philadelphie (Pennsylvanie), de 1994 à 1998. Des données issues d'archives et d'entretiens corroborent la perspective générale commune aux articles de ce symposium: la participation implique un mouvement dynamique entre conflit et coopération. L'article suggère que la pérennité du régime participatif dépend, non pas du niveau de conflit, mais de la façon dont les participants alternent dans leur manifestation d'une identification soit au gouvernement soit aux membres de leur communauté. Le concept d'intermédiation est utilisé pour décrire cette forme de dynamique et pour traduire la souplesse que doit garder une structure participative pour perdurer. [source] Think Locally, Act Globally: Toward a Transnational Comparative Politics,INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 2 2010Terrence Lyons Political dynamics and outcomes around the globe have been transformed by globalization, new patterns of human mobility, and the development of innovative transnational social networks. These new political processes are rooted in communities and networks that are not restricted by geographic location. Although politics has been delinked from territory in this way with regard to processes and actors, this does not mean that transnational politics focuses exclusively on universal issues or global approaches to social justice. Rather much of the new transnational politics is intensely focused on specific locations, identities, and issues (for example, "globalized" neighborhood associations, ethnicities, patrimonialism). Transnational politics also includes new conceptions and practices of citizenship and accountability (for example, legislative seats reserved for expatriate labor migrants) as the body politic becomes increasing mobile, political affinities delinked from geographic proximity, and critical constituencies reside outside of the territory of the state. This article outlines a new approach to investigating the actors and processes at the heart of contemporary transnational politics, with a particular focus on the ways in which diasporas are strategically constructed and mobilized to advance political goals through the use of salient symbols, identity frames, and social networks. [source] New social risks in postindustrial society: Some evidence on responses to active labour market policies from EurobarometerINTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SECURITY REVIEW, Issue 3 2004Peter Taylor-Gooby One result of the complex economic and social changes currently impacting on state welfare is the emergence of what may be termed "new social risks" as part of the shift to a postindustrial society. These concern access to adequately paid employment, particularly for lower-skilled young people, in an increasingly flexible labour market, and managing work-life balance for women with family responsibilities engaged in full-time careers. They coexist with the old social risks that traditional welfare states developed to meet, which typically concern retirement from or interruption to paid work, in most cases for a male "breadwinner". New social risks offer policymakers the opportunity to transform vice into virtue by replacing costly passive benefits with policies which mobilize the workforce, arguably enhancing economic competitiveness, and reduce poverty among vulnerable groups. However, the political constituencies to support such policies are weak, since the risks affect people most strongly at particular life stages and among specific groups. This paper examines attitudes to new social risk labour market policies in four contrasting European countries. It shows that attitudes in this area are strongly embedded in overall beliefs about the appropriate scale, direction and role of state welfare interventions, so that the weakness of new social risk constituencies does not necessarily undermine the possibility of attracting support for such policies, provided they are developed in ways that do not contradict national traditions of welfare state values. [source] A decision support methodology for increasing public investment efficiency in Brazilian agrarian reformINTERNATIONAL TRANSACTIONS IN OPERATIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 1 2009Leonardo Melgarejo Abstract The Brazilian Agrarian Reform Program has subsidized the settlement of over 425,000 destitute families on previously unproductive land in what has become a very effective vehicle for social inclusion and productivity growth for those settlers who reach the final stage of the process and receive definitive title to the land. Unfortunately, there is a large difference in efficiency and productivity between more and less successful settlements , fewer than 10% of relocated families have received title and over 25% of them have abandoned the property to which they were assigned. This paper presents a decision support methodology for increasing the efficiency of public investments in agrarian reform that includes a data envelopment analysis model and a mechanism for building consensus among the various constituencies of the agrarian reform process, who not infrequently have conflicting objectives. The OR model described herein uses principal component analysis and data envelopment analysis to identify the most important success factors for relocated families leading to an increase in the chance of both autonomous integration with the market economy and definitive entitlement by these displaced families as well as an increase in the predictability of future settlement success. The model was implemented successfully in Rio Grande do Sul, the southernmost state of Brazil, and was partially used in a pilot project for the countrywide agrarian reform accelerated consolidation program. [source] A Single EU Seat in the IMF?JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 2 2004Lorenzo Bini Smaghi This article examines the rationale for consolidating EU Member States' position in the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Although a substantial amount of co-ordination already takes place, particularly on issues related to the euro area and the single monetary and exchange rate policy, co-operation between EU countries in the IMF remains a relatively new phenomenon and divergences still prevail. The current institutional set-up, whereby the 15 EU countries are spread in nine constituencies, undermines effectiveness. Al though there is scope for further improving co-operation, there are natural limits to what can be achieved within the existing co-operation frame work. A single EU constituency would enable EU Member States to have a strong impact on IMF policies, potentially as strong as that of the US. However, this may not be an objective for all EU countries in the current conjuncture. [source] Toward a New Corporate Reorganization ParadigmJOURNAL OF APPLIED CORPORATE FINANCE, Issue 4 2007Donald S. Bernstein Chapter 11 is becoming an increasingly flexible, market-driven forum for determining who will become the owners of financially troubled enterprises. With increasing frequency, distressed companies are sold in Chapter 11 as going concerns. At the same time, distressed investors, including hedge funds and private equity investors, are actively trading the debt of such companies in much the same way that equity investors trade the stock of solvent companies. Market forces drive the troubled company's debt obligations into the hands of those investors who value the enterprise most highly and who want to decide whether to reorganize or to sell it. One way or the other, the Chapter 11 process is used to effect an orderly transfer of control of the enterprise into new hands, whether the creditors themselves or a third party. But if the market-oriented elements of this new reorganization process promise to increase creditor recoveries and preserve the values of corporate assets, other recent developments could present obstacles to achieving these goals. In particular, the increased complexity of corporate capital structures and investment patterns,including the issuance of second-lien debt and the dispersion of investment risks among numerous parties through the use of derivatives and other instruments,threatens to increase inter-creditor conflicts and reduce transparency in the restructuring process. These factors, coupled with provisions added to the Bankruptcy Code that selectively permit "opt-out" behavior by favored constituencies, could interfere with the ability of troubled companies to reorganize as the next cycle of defaults unfolds. [source] Who are organic food consumers?JOURNAL OF CONSUMER BEHAVIOUR, Issue 2-3 2007A compilation, review of why people purchase organic food This paper integrates and synthesizes the findings of published research on organic food consumption. We identify several themes that reflect the various rationales used by consumers when deciding to purchase organic food. The literature clearly indicates that the word "organic" has many meanings, that consumers of organic foods are not homogeneous in demographics or in beliefs, and that further research could help better describe the various constituencies that are often lumped together as "organic food consumers". The organic and broader food industries must better understand the variety of motivations, perceptions, and attitudes consumers hold regarding organic foods and their consumption if their own long-term interests, as well as those of other stakeholders of food marketing, are to be best served. We conclude with implications and suggestions for further research. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Subverting Orthodoxy, Making Law Central: A View of Sociolegal StudiesJOURNAL OF LAW AND SOCIETY, Issue 4 2002Roger Cotterrell The promise of sociolegal research varies for different constituencies. For some legal scholars it has been a promise of sustained commitment to moral and political critique of law and to theoretical and empirical analysis of law's social consequences and origins. To continue to deliver on that promise today, sociolegal studies should develop theory in new forms emphasizing the variety of forms of regulation and the moral foundations on which that regulation ultimately depends. It should demonstrate and explore law's roles in the routine structuring of all aspects of social life and its changing character as it faces the challenge of regulating relations of community not bounded solely by the jurisdictional reach of nation states. [source] The impact of state governance structures on management and performance of public organizations: A study of higher education institutionsJOURNAL OF POLICY ANALYSIS AND MANAGEMENT, Issue 1 2004Jack H. Knott Legislative statutes are passed by political majorities which support structures that insulate the implementing agency from its political opponents over time. Political actors also respond to different constituencies. Depending on the broad or narrow base of these constituencies, actors favor different kinds of governance structures. We apply this theoretical framework to the question of whether the state governance structures of boards of higher education affect the way university managers allocate resources, develop sources of revenue, and promote research and undergraduate education. Over the past two decades state governments have given considerable attention to state governance issues, resulting in many universities operating in a more regulated setting today. This paper develops a classification of higher education structures and shows the effects of differences in these structures on university management and performance using a data set that covers the period from 1987 to 1998. The analysis suggests that, for most of the measures, productivity and resources are higher at universities with a statewide board that is more decentralized and has fewer regulatory powers. © 2004 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management. [source] Issues, Threats, and Institutions: Explaining OAS Responses to Democratic Dilemmas in Latin AmericaLATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 2 2007Craig Arceneaux ABSTRACT Over time, the Organization of American States has become institutionally and normatively more capable of defending democracy in the region. Yet the OAS is as selective in its interventions on behalf of democratic promotion today as it was in the early 1990s. To explain this puzzle, this study disaggregates democratic dilemmas according to issue areas, threats, and contingencies. It finds that the OAS responds more forcefully when the problem presents a clear and present danger both to the offending state and to other members. As threats become weaker or more ambiguous, the OAS tends to act more timidly, unless domestic constituencies cry out for its assistance or the United States puts its full weight behind the effort. Case study capsules provide empirical evidence to illustrate these arguments. [source] Constructing Reform Coalitions: The Politics of Compensations in Argentina's Economic LiberalizationLATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 3 2001Sebastián Etchemendy ABSTRACT It is frequently argued that the key to "successful" economic liberalization is to marginalize interest groups that profit from existing regulatory regimes. This paper contends that some established interests can craft public policies to protect their rents in the new market setting. The state may shape the interests of social actors and create proreform constituencies out of old populist and interventionist groups. In Argentina, this coalition building was achieved by constructing reform policies that granted rents in new markets to business and organized labor and by deliberately avoiding unilateral deregulation in sectors where reform would hurt traditionally powerful actors. This argument is developed through a comparative analysis of policy reform in the labor market institutions and protected industrial sectors, areas where the costs of deregulation are said to be unavoidable for the established actors. [source] Lawyers of the Right: Networks and OrganizationLAW & SOCIAL INQUIRY, Issue 4 2007Anthony Paik Lawyers for conservative and libertarian causes are active in organizing and mobilizing interest groups within the conservative coalition, and networks of relationships among those lawyers help to maintain and shape the coalition. Using data gathered in interviews with seventy-two such lawyers, this article analyzes characteristics of the lawyers and the structure of their networks. The findings suggest that the networks are divided into segments or blocks that are identified with particular constituencies, but that a distinct set of actors with extensive relationships serves to bridge the constituencies. Measures of centrality and brokerage confirm the structural importance of these actors in the network, and a search of references in news media confirms their prominence or prestige. This "core" set of actors occupies the "structural hole" in the network that separates the business constituency from religious conservatives. Libertarians, located near the core of the network, also occupy an intermediate position. Regression analysis of ties within the network suggests that the Federalist Society plays an important role in bringing the lawyers together. [source] Lawyers for Conservative Causes: Clients, Ideology, and Social DistanceLAW & SOCIETY REVIEW, Issue 1 2003John P. Heinz Scholars have devoted attention to "cause lawyers" on the political left, but lawyers who work on the conservative side of the American political spectrum have received relatively little academic consideration. This article presents systematic data on the characteristics of and relationships among lawyers affiliated with organizations active on a selected set of 17 conservative issues. We find that the lawyers serve several separate and distinct constituencies,business conservatives, Christian conservatives, libertarians, abortion opponents,and that the credentials of the lawyers serving these varying constituencies differ significantly. The greatest degree of social separation occurs between the business constituency and the abortion opponents, with another clear separation between libertarians and the interest groups devoted to traditional family values and order maintenance. The divisions among these constituencies appear to reflect the difference between "insider politics" and "populism," which is manifested in part in actual geographic separation between lawyers located in the District of Columbia and those in the South, West, and Midwest. In the center of the network, however, we find some potential "mediators",prominent lawyers who may facilitate communication and coordination among the several constituencies. These lawyers and the organizations they serve attempt to merge morality, market freedom, and individual liberty concerns, and they convene meetings of diverse sets of lawyers and organizational leaders to seek consensus on policy goals. Nonetheless, the findings indicate that most organizations are seldom active on issues that lie beyond the relatively narrow boundaries of their own interests. [source] Leading partnerships: Competencies for collaborationNEW DIRECTIONS FOR COMMUNITY COLLEGES, Issue 149 2010Marilyn J. Amey One strategy used with increasing frequency to meet the needs of multiple constituencies is partnerships and forms of organizational collaboration, consortia, and networks. This chapter explores the kinds of skills and thinking required of community college leaders to engage in effective partnerships. [source] Ethical dimensions of the open-door admissions policyNEW DIRECTIONS FOR COMMUNITY COLLEGES, Issue 148 2009William G. Ingram Ethical dilemmas at the community college often pose a choice between options equally grounded in the core values of the institution. These dilemmas often emerge from disputes that are complex, dynamic, and politically volatile. We review the development of one such dispute to show how our understanding of institutional core values is often only clarified through reflection and consultation with appropriate advisors, authorities, and constituencies. [source] Humanitarian aid beyond "bare survival": Social movement responses to xenophobic violence in South AfricaAMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Issue 4 2009STEVEN ROBINS ABSTRACT In this article, I investigate responses to the humanitarian crisis that emerged following the May 2008 xenophobic violence against South African nonnationals that resulted in 62 deaths and the displacement of well over 30,000 people. I focus specifically on how a South African AIDS activist movement, the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) and its partners, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF,Doctors Without Borders) and the AIDS Law Project (ALP), translated a particular style and strategy of AIDS activism into legal, medical, humanitarian, and political responses to the massive population displacement. The TAC provided relief to displaced people in the form of basic needs, such as food, clothes, and blankets, as well as legal aid, and it engaged in activism that promoted the rights of the refugees. I investigate how the ideas and practices of global agencies such as the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) were deployed and reinterpreted by TAC activists. I also examine how TAC activists involved in assisting the refugees drew on a global humanitarian assemblage of categories, legal definitions, norms and standards, and procedures and technologies that went beyond the simple management of "bare life." TAC's shift from fighting for antiretroviral drugs (ARVs) to fighting for refugees' rights reveals a "politics of life" that spans multiple issues, networks, and constituencies. It is also a politics that, at times, strategically deploys standardized bureaucratic logics and biopolitical techniques of humanitarian aid. [source] Building a Consistent and Reliable Expenditure DatabaseNEW DIRECTIONS FOR INSTITUTIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 106 2000Kelli J. Armstrong Campus cost studies are effective only when key constituencies have been involved in building the data elements that drive those studies. This chapter is a practical guide to that building process. [source] Conversations with a Polish populist: Tracing hidden histories of globalization, class, and dispossession in postsocialism (and beyond)AMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Issue 2 2009DON KALB ABSTRACT Building on the work of Jonathan Friedman and of Andre Gingrich and Marcus Banks, I explain the rise of populist, neonationalist sensibilities in Poland as a set of defensive responses by working-class people to the silences imposed by liberal rule. I trace in detail a sequence of all-around dispossessions experienced by Polish working-class sodalities since 1989, when activists with substantial legitimacy among organized workers had claimed de facto and de jure control over assets crucial for working-class reproduction. "Democratization" and "markets" were shrewd legal ways by which the new liberal capitalist state reappropriated and recentralized those assets from local constituencies. Meanwhile, the reputation of workers, whose fights with the party-state had been essential for regaining national sovereignty and establishing parliamentary democracy, was systematically annihilated in the public sphere by discourses of "internal orientalism."[postsocialism, dispossession, class, neonationalism, populism, neoliberalism, globalization, privatization, Europe] [source] Nonprofit organization financial performance measurement: An evaluation of new and existing financial performance measuresNONPROFIT MANAGEMENT & LEADERSHIP, Issue 4 2003William J. Ritchie Consensus about financial performance measurement remains elusive for nonprofit organization (NPO) researchers and practitioners alike, due in part to an overall lack of empirical tests of existing and new measures. The purpose of the current study was to explore potential similarities of financial performance measures derived from two sources: current NPO research and key informant interviews with NPO foundation constituencies. The authors examined financial performance measurement ratios with data from fifteen Internal Revenue Service (IRS) Form 990 line items. Using factor analytic techniques, they found three performance factors, each with two associated financial measurement ratios, to be present. They categorized the performance factors as fundraising efficiency, public support, and fiscal performance. This article discusses implications of the findings and future research. [source] Triangular Contests and Caucus Rhetoric at the 1885 General Election*PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 2 2008JAMES OWEN This article explores the role played by late-Victorian political associations during parliamentary election campaigns. The central hypothesis is that party organisation, known popularly as the ,caucus', is best understood as a rhetorical device used by politicians and the press to gain legitimacy in the new context created by an expanded and quasi-democratic electorate. The hypothesis is tested by examining the 1885 general election campaigns in Nottingham West and Sheffield Central. Both constituencies witnessed a triangular contest whereby an ,additional' candidate, standing on a radical platform, entered the campaign and pursued a distinctly ,anti-caucus' agenda that was aimed primarily at the local Liberal Party Association. The manner in which the ,caucus' issue was articulated by all sides involved throws new light on the role played by party organisation during this period. While all sides described their association in a way that both defended and asserted its legitimacy, they equally used ,anti-caucus' rhetoric to diminish the credibility of their opponent's organisation, even though they were emulating the deeds they were denouncing. Indeed, it was those within official Liberalism that indulged in the most virulent ,anti-caucus' rhetoric. Thus, it is suggested that, with regard to the attitude of radicals towards official Liberalism, this ,anti-caucus' rhetoric reflected not a real popular resistance against party organisation or ,party', but simply intense competition and imitation between rival ,caucuses'. [source] | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||