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Conservative Party (conservative + party)
Selected AbstractsPolitical marketing in untraditional campaigns: the case of David Cameron's Conservative Party leadership victoryJOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 3 2007Robert P. Ormrod This study investigates the concept of political market orientation (PMO) in an untraditional setting, namely the 2005 contest for the leadership of the British Conservative Party. Based on a collective case-study method, a content analysis of candidates' speeches and manifestos is provided. We operationalize four attitudinal constructs of a conceptual PMO model and adapt them to suit the novel campaign context. Our findings show further evidence for the existance of a ,gravitational centre' effect hypothesized in earlier studies. Furthermore, we qualify the concept of PMO through a long-term focus and a context-specific evaluation of the merits of alternative PMO profiles. Thus, the generic conceptual model of political market orientatation, which previously has only been used in the content of parties contesting a general election campaign, can be adapted to alternative campaign situations without a reduction in its explanatory power. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] ,A Tiny Little Footnote in History': Conservative Centre ForwardPARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 2 2010STEPHEN EVANS In May 1985, two years after he had returned to the back benches, Francis Pym launched the first organised display of dissent within the parliamentary Conservative Party against Margaret Thatcher's leadership: Conservative Centre Forward. Those Conservative MPs who joined the group were very much believers in One Nation Conservatism. Conservative Centre Forward survived for barely a week after going public; it rapidly collapsed amid accusations of disloyalty and inept leadership. The group proved to be a short-lived experiment which achieved little of note and exposed those who were involved to widespread ridicule. Yet, it was precisely because Conservative Centre Forward collapsed so quickly and achieved so little that it was significant. In its own way, the short life of the group provided a revealing commentary upon the character of the mid-1980s Conservative Party. It was a party which, on the one hand, was moving inexorably to the right and therefore ever further away from the values of One Nation Conservatism which Conservative Centre Forward espoused. On the other hand, it was a party which was still traditional enough to view open displays of dissent, of whatever magnitude, as a threat to the unity upon which its continued electoral success depended. [source] The Lost Leader: Sir Stafford Northcote and the Leadership of the Conservative Party, 1876,85*PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 3 2008NIGEL THOMAS KEOHANE Sir Stafford Northcote has gone down in history as a man who fell short of the ultimate achievement of being prime minister largely because of personal weakness, and lack of political virility and drive. The picture painted by Northcote's political enemies , most notably the Fourth Party , has been accepted uncritically. Yet, political motives lay behind the actions of these supporters, and their harsh black and white portrait is not illustrative of the complexity of the situation in which Northcote found himself. Although individual characteristics undoubtedly played a part in his final political failure, underlying dynamics and structural transformations in politics and political life were more significant. It was more than simply the misfortune in succeeding the exceptionally charismatic Disraeli as leader. Northcote was faced with unparalleled disruption in parliament from Irish Nationalist MPs; the starkly polarised debate on the eastern question left him detached as a moderate. His temperament was better suited to constructive government rather than to opposition. However, following general election defeat in 1880, Northcote was denied this opportunity. Equally, his position in the lower House denied him the capacity to define a clear political critique of the Liberal government. Northcote's leadership of the party reflected the changing nature of British politics as radicals, tories, Irish Nationalists and Unionists increasingly contested the consensual style more appropriate to the political world of Palmerston and the 14th earl of Derby. [source] Ideology and Ministerial Allocation in the Major Government 1992,1997POLITICS, Issue 3 2005Timothy Heppell This article evaluates the allocation of ministerial portfolios according to ideological disposition within the Major government of 1992,1997. By examining the ideological attitudes of Conservative parliamentarians towards three ideological variables , economic policy, European policy and social, sexual and moral policy , it will analyse the ideological balance of the government vis-à-vis the Parliamentary Conservative Party (PCP); the ideological disposition of those departing and entering government; and the ideological profile of the ministers appointed to the ,key' ministerial positions. The article will demonstrate the following: first, the Thatcherite ,right' were underrepresented at ministerial level, whilst the Tory ,left' secured a level of ministerial representation disproportionate to their numerical strength within the PCP; second, this was despite the fact that the process of ministerial appointments and departures gradually enhanced the representation of the Thatcherite ,right' of the PCP at the expense of the Tory ,left'; and finally, the ,perception' amongst the Thatcherite ,right' was that they were being marginalised in terms of the key ministries of state. [source] Mexican Conservatives, Clericals, and Soldiers: the ,Traitor' Tomás Mejía through Reform and Empire, 1855,1867BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 2 2001Brian Hamnett General Tomás Mejía (1820,67) became a leading Mexican opponent of the Liberal Reform Movement in the mid-nineteenth century. Originating from the Querétaro Sierra Gorda, where for twenty years he had a strong power base, he took his stand in defence of the Catholic religion. A devotee of the local cult of the Virgin of the Pueblito, Mejía cooperated first with the Conservative Party and subsequently with the Second Mexican Empire (1862,67). Beween 1864 and 1866, he became the Empire's principal military commander. Juárez had him shot, along with Maximilian, when the Empire fell. Triumphant Liberals blotted out his name from the history of the nineteenth century. Mejía defended an alternative, Catholic vision of Mexico to the Liberal secular state and its Revolutionary successor. [source] The Secret of Leopold AmeryHISTORICAL RESEARCH, Issue 181 2000William D. Rubinstein Leopold Amery (1873-1955) is best-known as a lifelong champion of imperial preference and empire unity, and was an important figure in the Conservative party during the first half of the twentieth century. Yet Amery was also a man with an extraordinary secret, which this article explores. Amery's mother Elisabeth Leitner (née Saphir) was Jewish. Amery went to extraordinary lengths to conceal his Jewish background, which was unknown until recently. Yet Amery might also be described as a ,secret Jew', who frequently used his influence on behalf of Jewish causes. He was the real author of the Balfour Declaration of 1917. Most remarkably and tragically, his eldest son John Amery (1912-1945) was a wartime Nazi who was hanged for treason. [source] Ideological Typologies of Contemporary British ConservatismPOLITICAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 3 2005Timothy Heppell Prior to the leadership of Margaret Thatcher, traditional academic assumptions about the British Conservative party focused on its emphasis on party unity, the centrality of loyalty to the party, and its ideological pragmatism in the pursuit of power. The leadership of her successor, John Major, was undermined by disunity, disloyalty and ideological conflict, which contributed to the Tory party's removal from power. The ideological implosion of one the most disciplined and electorally successful parties in Western Europe, has stimulated considerable academic appraisal. This article considers the design and utilisation of the ideological typologies of contemporary British conservatism that have been used by academics to help explain the nature of this ideological conflict. By analysing these developments in typological design, we can enhance our understanding of the ideological realignment of contemporary British conservatism in the immediate post-Thatcherite era. [source] Capital and the Lagos Presidency: Business as Usual?BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 3 2002Eduardo Silva Business-state relations in Chile's new democracy had been relatively tension-free for the first two governments of the centre-left Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia. However, during the first two years of the third Concertación administration, under the presidency of Ricardo Lagos, the relationship soured dramatically. At first glance, an ideological shift in the ruling coalition's centre of gravity would seem to explain the change in business-state relations. During the first two governments more conservative factions of the centrist Christian Democratic party had controlled the Concertación. Lagos, on the other hand, represented the left pole of the coalition and his socialist credentials brought the long shadow of the past on his presidency. This, however is an insufficient cause, three additional conditions must also be taken into account. The first one considers changes in the institutional and economic context that eroded the private sector's confidence in the Concertación's commitment to maintain the free-market socioeconomic model imposed under military rule. The second and third conditions are a decline in the electoral fortunes of the Concertación in favour of conservative parties and a shift in power relations among employers' associations towards more confrontational factions. [source] | ||||||||||