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Collective Farms (collective + farm)
Selected AbstractsFrom Kolkhoz to Holding Company: a Hungarian Agricultural Producer Co-operative in TransitionJOURNAL OF HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 2 2000Nigel Swain This paper uses a case study, the Noble Grape co-operative (a pseudonym), to illustrate the roles of social and cultural capital in both the creation of a successful agricultural producer co-operative (collective farm) in socialist Hungary and its transformation into a successful private company after 1989. It identifies both continuities in personnel, from socialist technocrat to capitalist manager, and continuities in the financial establishment with which it deals. The social origins of the key players in the transformation are compared with the existing sociological literature on changing elites in Eastern Europe, and the fate of the ordinary members who appear to be the losers in the process. [source] Fireblight monitoring in Lithuania1EPPO BULLETIN, Issue 3 2004L. Baranauskait Lithuania has requested that its whole territory should be recognized by the EU as a protected zone for Erwinia amylovora. Fireblight monitoring was performed in 1998/2002 with the aim of detecting and identifying the bacterium, and of determining its distribution in the country. The study consisted of periodic surveys (at least twice a year) of nurseries, orchards, collective farms and host plants, growing individually or in small groups, as well as the surrounding zone within a radius of 250 m. Tests, under conditions of quality control, were applied to host plants with and without symptoms, using detection methods such as ELISA and immunofluorescence (with polyclonal antibodies), semi-selective plating and pathogenicity. [source] Agricultural Land in Vietnam: Markets Tempered by Family, Community and Socialist PracticesJOURNAL OF AGRARIAN CHANGE, Issue 3 2006BENEDICT J. TRIA KERKVLIET Since the late 1980s, markets involving agricultural land have emerged in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. One major reason is that collective farms, previously a central feature of the country's political economy, ended. And a major reason for that was villagers' everyday politics gnawed the underpinnings of the collectives until they collapsed. Rural households, for the most part, wanted to farm separately. Today they do. Land is not privatized, however. Farming households have land use rights, not ownership. This tempers markets, as do other conditions arising from contending schools of thought in Vietnam about how land should be used, distributed and regulated. [source] Modernism and the Machine FarmerJOURNAL OF HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 2 2000Rod Bantjes In this paper I apply recent theoretical discussions of the spatial character of modernity to a ,rural' context. I argue that neither modernity nor ,modernism' has been an exclusively ,urban' phenomenon in the twentieth century, and that attention to modernism in the countryside yields insights into the modernist project. From the beginning of the twentieth century, the apparently ,rural' spaces of the prairie west were already integrated into modern trans-local structures. Wheat farmers were ahead of their contemporaries in their appreciation of the nature and scale of modern distanciated relationships. They were ,modernist' in embracing and celebrating the technologies, particularly organizational technologies, for dominating space and time. They were also innovators in modern organizational design, seeking creatively to control the modern "machine" and to bridge the local and the ,global.' Their progressive experimentation culminated in a surprising proposal for ,co-operative farms' not unlike Soviet collective farms. [source] | ||||||||||