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Class Struggle (class + struggle)
Selected AbstractsGlobalization, the knowledge society, and the Network State: Poulantzas at the millenniumGLOBAL NETWORKS, Issue 1 2001Martin Carnoy In State, Power, Socialism, Nicos Poulantzas conceptualized a state that materializes and concentrates power and displaces the class struggle from the economic to the political arena. In the past twenty years, much has changed. We argue that economic relations have been transformed by economic globalization, work reorganization, and the compression of space, time, and knowledge transmission through an information and communications revolution. Knowledge is far more central to production, and the locus of the relation between power and knowledge has moved out of the nation state that was so fundamental to Poulantzas' analysis. [source] Aesthetics of Celebration, Tension and Memory: Nigeria Urban Art HistoryHISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 5 2008Adérónké Adésolá Adésŕnyŕ This essay, among other things, addresses the question of origin of Nigerian Urban art, a genre basically found in urban spaces. It highlights the various nomenclatures by which the genre has been tagged to date and provides a robust debate on the pioneer and later urban artists in the country noting the characteristics and nuances of their art. Besides establishing the character of Nigerian urban art as compelling and significant to understanding the aesthetic sensibilities and nuances of the producer culture, issues of identity, training, authorship, patronage, social memory and social responsibility, morality and immorality and how they inform, shape and complicate the creative endeavors of urban artists are brought to the fore. In this insightful interrogation of history, people and spaces one finds the emergence of a new artistic order in which Nigerian urban artists establish and expand their own idioms, unite politics with art, engage their own audiences, cultivate their own clientele, tell their own stories and that of the society, create and endorse new identities, and increasingly expand their socioeconomic space. Their creative formats essentially transform into markets where people, products and services unite. They also serve as cultural lenses through which one gain insights into class struggle in a postcolonial society and how a critical mass of the Nigerian public interprets leadership, commerce, and culture. [source] Can a Global Peace Last Even If Achieved?INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 3 2005Huntington, the Democratic Peace Current events have surfaced new challenges in the international state system. These are alternatively characterized as state versus substate conflicts, religious conflicts or the outgrowth of the rise in fundamentalism, class struggle between the West and the Third World resulting from globalization, and the lack of democratic government in those states that breed terrorists. Whereas religious conflict is difficult to fix if true and globalization hard to stop, the democratic peace offers promise because changing the form of government is a conceivable goal. But would it help? Samuel Huntington provides an interesting, if unintended, challenge to the democratic peace in both The Third Wave and The Clash of Civilizations. If democracy is reversible under some circumstances, can it really lead to a lasting peace? If there are cultural divisions in the world, are these necessarily united by polity? If racism is real, does polity really eliminate it? Based on Huntington, the democratic peace falters. [source] Class and the Politics of Participatory Rural Transformation in West Bengal: An Alternative to World Bank OrthodoxyJOURNAL OF AGRARIAN CHANGE, Issue 3 2007SUDIPTA BHATTACHARYYAArticle first published online: 3 JUN 200 Based on a primary field survey and secondary sources of information, this study analyzes the West Bengal experience of participatory rural transformation in relation to the changing class structure in a differentiated rural economy, the rise in class-consciousness among the rural poor and the participation of different classes in the political process of decision-making. Utsa Patnaik's (1987) labour exploitation criterion is used in order to rank rural households in class terms, alongside the standard acreage groupings. This study strongly refutes the neo-liberal (World Bank) idea of social capital and civil society as sources of ,people's participation'. It is argued that ,people's participation' is a meaningless concept, since the ,people' as a category includes different classes with conflicting interests. Though subordinate classes in West Bengal have achieved a higher level of class consciousness than in the past, and have resisted extra economic coercion, and while their political participation has risen, their involvement at the grass roots level of administrative decision-making is very weak. Panchayat Raj has so far failed to initiate a second phase of institutional reform in West Bengal, encompassing education, gender justice and above all the co-operative movement. This partial failure is the outcome of short-term electoral benefit being given priority over and so undermining class struggle. [source] |