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City Government (city + government)
Selected AbstractsSocial Movement, Action and Change: The Influence of Women's Movements on City Government in Mumbai and LondonGENDER, WORK & ORGANISATION, Issue 2 2004Jim Barry This article reports on a research investigation into gender and local government in Mumbai in India and London in England. In both these cities female representation at the political level stands at around one third, achieved in London slowly in recent years and in Mumbai more rapidly through the adoption of a quota, or seat reservation system, implemented in 1992. In considering the experience of the women concerned it is argued that their presence and aspirations have been influenced through the networks of their respective women's movements, operating through civil society and the local state. In considering the ways in which they organize and manage the duties of office and their gendered identities, as well as in their focus on the most disadvantaged in their communities and in their dealings with others, the part played by social movements in influencing change is examined. [source] "Moo U"and the 26th Amendment: Registering for Peace and Voting for Responsive City GovernmentPEACE & CHANGE, Issue 1 2004Clyde Brown In July 1971 the 26th Amendment became part of the U.S. Constitution. As a result, over eleven million eighteen- to twenty-year-olds gained the right to vote. Among them were a group of Iowa State University students in Ames, many of them active opponents of the Vietnam War. Starting with a statewide weekend Register for Peace conference in August 1971 as part of Allard Lowenstein's "Dump Nixon" movement, they engaged in an extensive voter registration drive on campus. Motivated by perceived excesses of local political authority during the May 1970 Cambodian invasion and Kent State,Jackson State protests and mistreatment of counterculture youth, they organized a broad coalition and endorsed a slate of candidates in the November municipal election. They conducted a comprehensive voter education and get-out-the-vote effort, modeled on anti-Mayor Daley aldermanic campaigns in Chicago, which resulted in victory for their candidates and in a city government more responsive to their concerns. [source] Changes in the Usage of Enterprise Funds by Large City GovernmentsPUBLIC BUDGETING AND FINANCE, Issue 2 2000Beverly S. Bunch Using a nationwide sample of large cities, this article analyzes changes in the use of enterprise funds during the past decade. The major findings are that (1) the aggregate number of enterprise funds increased, with the largest increases occurring in solid waste and drainage; (2) part of the increase was offset by the elimination of some enterprise funds, particularly in the area of recreational services; (3) 60 percent of the cities experienced one or more changes in the types of enterprise funds they used; (4) the revenues associated with most types of enterprise funds have increased at a faster rate than general fund revenues; and (5) some cities are using alternative fiscal structures (e.g., special revenue funds and discrete component units) to account for services that are reported as enterprise funds in other cities. A continuum of fiscal structures is presented as a framework for addressing why cities might choose one structure over another and what the possible implications of a particular fiscal structure might be. [source] Transforming Raleigh city government through a new executive development programEMPLOYMENT RELATIONS TODAY, Issue 3 2007Rick Rocchetti First page of article [source] Attracting Middle-Income Families in the Hope VI Public Housing Revitalization ProgramJOURNAL OF URBAN AFFAIRS, Issue 2 2005David P. Varady But is this feasible? Our comparative case study analysis of four HOPE VI sites in Cincinnati, Louisville, Baltimore, and Washington, DC, suggests that it will be difficult to achieve the mixing of lower- and middle-income families with children. None of the four developments explicitly sought middle-income families with children as part of their marketing. Louisville's HOPE VI site was the only one involving close collaboration between the school district, the housing authority, and city government from the beginning of the HOPE VI process. Moreover, the Louisville site was the only one successful in attracting middle-income (and not simply subsidized moderate-income) families with children. Strategies for making inner-city HOPE VI sites more attractive for middle-income families are discussed. [source] "Moo U"and the 26th Amendment: Registering for Peace and Voting for Responsive City GovernmentPEACE & CHANGE, Issue 1 2004Clyde Brown In July 1971 the 26th Amendment became part of the U.S. Constitution. As a result, over eleven million eighteen- to twenty-year-olds gained the right to vote. Among them were a group of Iowa State University students in Ames, many of them active opponents of the Vietnam War. Starting with a statewide weekend Register for Peace conference in August 1971 as part of Allard Lowenstein's "Dump Nixon" movement, they engaged in an extensive voter registration drive on campus. Motivated by perceived excesses of local political authority during the May 1970 Cambodian invasion and Kent State,Jackson State protests and mistreatment of counterculture youth, they organized a broad coalition and endorsed a slate of candidates in the November municipal election. They conducted a comprehensive voter education and get-out-the-vote effort, modeled on anti-Mayor Daley aldermanic campaigns in Chicago, which resulted in victory for their candidates and in a city government more responsive to their concerns. [source] A Picture of the Floating World: Grounding the Secessionary Affluence of the Residential Cruise LinerANTIPODE, Issue 1 2009Rowland Atkinson Abstract:, A quarter century of financial deregulation, robber-baron corporatism and growing income polarisation has enabled the spatial partitioning of urban space into new and complex arrangements of micro-neighbourhood governance and privatism. These archipelagos of fortress homes and neighbourhoods increasingly lie outside the spaces of conventional state and city government. Yet while residential spaces of urban affluence have been unable to fully remove contact with the social diversity of the public realm, nomadic forms of super-affluence, flowing around a global,national urban system, have generated a form of networked extra-territoriality,a social space decoupled from the perceived risks and general dowdiness of the social world beneath it. This paper examines this space via the curious case of The World, a large residential cruise ship which, as its name suggests, roams the oceans and ports of the globe. Our title is taken from the name given to Japanese paintings of the new affluence and fantasy of life lived by the affluent and artists in late nineteenth century Japanese cities (O Ukiyo E, or pictures of the floating world). We suggest that The World forms a similarly disconnected realm, not only literally afloat, also detached from the reality of a world that has been strategically left behind. [source] Global-local initiatives in FDI: The experience of Shenzhen, ChinaASIA PACIFIC VIEWPOINT, Issue 2 2004Mark Yaolin Wang Abstract:,In 2002, China surpassed the USA to become the world's largest foreign investment destination. Many Chinese cities, especially those along the coast, have become hot spots for Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). The urban development of these Chinese cities, as in most market societies, has increasingly depended upon their global connections. However, it is unclear to what degree the governments of these cities are able to influence the decisions of foreign investors. This paper uses Shenzhen city as a case study to examine how multi-nationals' spatial and sectoral patterns have been changed over time and to what degree the local government has been able to influence multinationals' locational and sectoral selection. It is concluded that Shenzhen has managed to create a strategy to maximise its ability to benefit from global economic forces and to attract multinational manufacturers in the locality, and particularly in increasing its target sector of technology-intensive industry. This case study demonstrates the importance of a strong city government in managing growth and reacting decisively to globalisation. [source] New trends in urban development and public policy in eastern Germany: dealing with the vacant housing problem at the local levelINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 4 2004Birgit Glock Supported by federal funds, many eastern German cities have started to address their acute vacant housing problem, and the new strategies attempt to pursue revitalization in especially consistent and comprehensive forms. This article offers evidence that current policies are not meeting their main objectives. Very little is being done in the older, inner-city neighbourhoods, although these have been given a top political priority in the planning process since they are perceived as one of the greatest economic and cultural assets of eastern Germany. Rather, the policies have been effective only in the large-scale housing estates, where local administrations and city governments meet ,big partners' with resources for action. Further, it is argued that present policy strategies focus too tightly on housing market issues alone. Many housing problems cannot be solved using housing market policy tools alone as vacancy is caused by the general trends of depopulation and deindustrialization in the region. Avec l'aide de financements fédéraux, de nombreuses grandes villes est-allemandes se sont attaquées à leur grave problème de logements inoccupés, et les nouvelles stratégies tentent une relance par des formules particulièrement vastes et cohérentes. Cet article démontre que les politiques actuelles n'atteignent pas leurs objectifs principaux. Très peu est fait dans les quartiers anciens déshérités, même si on leur a donné une priorité politique élevée dans le processus d'aménagement puisqu'ils sont en bonne place, dit-on, dans le patrimoine économique et culturel de l'Allemagne de l'Est. En revanche, les politiques publiques n'ont été efficaces que dans les projets de logements à grande échelle lorsque les administrations locales et autorités de la ville rencontrent des ,partenaires de poids' ayant des ressources pour agir. De plus, les stratégies politiques présentes s'attachent trop aux seuls aspects liés au marché du logement. Bien des problèmes d'habitat ne peuvent être résolus à l'aide d'outils de politique de marché puisque la vacance tient aux tendances générales à la dépopulation et à la désindustrialisation de la région. [source] From social networks to public action in urban governance: where does benefit accrue?JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, Issue 7 2001Jo Beall The key question addressed in this paper is in what ways strategies at the community level make a difference to urban governance and for whom? The research on which it draws was concerned with two issues of relevance. The first was what poor people and communities do for themselves when city governments are unable or unwilling to extend resources to them. The second was to understand the institutional relationships, both formal and informal, between people in poverty and the organizations of city governance. In addition to local government, business and NGOs, these are understood to include associations of mutuality and community level organizations, particularly households, social networks, and political and developmental CBOs (see also Beall and Kanji, 1999). Drawing on research conducted in the nine case study cities, evidence of local level networks and associational life is examined to assess where benefits accrue when they are harnessed in the interests of city governance. These are very different cities and livelihood strategies and patterns of public action and urban governance are undoubtedly context-specific. However, patterns emerge that are comparable and worthy of comment. Copyright © 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Bottom-Up Federalism: The Diffusion of Antismoking Policies from U.S. Cities to StatesAMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 4 2006Charles R. Shipan Studies of policy diffusion often focus on the horizontal spread of enactments from one state to another, paying little or no attention to the effects of local laws on state-level adoptions. For example, scholars have not tested whether local policy adoptions make state action more likely (through a snowball effect) or less likely (through a pressure valve effect). This study conducts the first comprehensive analysis of vertical policy diffusion from city governments to state governments, while simultaneously examining the influence of state-to-state and national-to-state diffusion. Focusing on three different types of antismoking laws, we find evidence that policies do bubble up from city governments to state governments. State politics are crucial to this relationship, however, as local-to-state diffusion is contingent on the level of legislative professionalism and the strength of health advocates in the state. [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||