Home About us Contact
|
Home About us Contact | ||
|
|
||
Civil Society Organizations (civil + society_organization)
Selected AbstractsCan Civil Society Organizations Solve the Crisis of Partisan Representation in Latin America?LATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 2 2008Kathryn Hochstetler ABSTRACT This article takes up the question of whether civil society organizations (CSOs) can and do act as mechanisms of representation in times of party crisis. It looks at recent representation practices in Argentina, Bolivia, and Brazil, three countries where political parties have experienced sharp crises after several decades of mixed reviews for their party systems. At such moments, any replacement of parties by CSOs should be especially apparent. This study concludes that the degree of crisis determines the extent that CSOs' representative functions replace partisan representation, at least in the short term. Where systems show signs of re-equilibration, CSOs offer alternative mechanisms through which citizens can influence political outcomes without seeking to replace parties. Where crisis is profound, CSOs claim some of the basic party functions but do not necessarily solve the problems of partisan representation. [source] Corporate response to CSO criticism: decoupling the corporate responsibility discourse from business practiceCORPORATE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY AND ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT, Issue 2 2010Jenny Ählström Abstract The general objective of this paper is to further research on the interaction between civil society organizations (CSOs) and corporations. The aim is to analyze how corporations are responding to demands to enlarge the responsibility sphere. A case is presented in which CSOs are putting pressure on the garment retailer Hennes & Mauritz (H&M) to be responsible for safeguarding workers' rights in the outsourced production of H&M garments. The conclusion of the paper, derived from analyzing the empirical context using discourse theory, is that: (1) CSOs represent a challenging discourse (responsible business) attempting to change the dominant corporate discourse (profitable business); (2) If the challenging discourse is threatening the legitimacy of the corporation, a responsible business discourse is created; and (3) Responding to the demands of the CSOs is done to keep the business practice intact, hence practice is decoupled from the responsible business discourse. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [source] Limits to Democratic Development in Civil Society and the State: The Case of Santo DomingoDEVELOPMENT AND CHANGE, Issue 1 2003Anne Marie Choup Some scholars see civil society as key to democratization of the political system. In this view, pressure from civil society forces democratization of the state. However, this disregards the fact that changes in civil society's behaviour require changes in political society , changes are reciprocal. The demand,making strategies of grassroots organizations in the Dominican Republic in 1999 provide a good example of this dynamic: the incomplete nature of the democratic transition (specifically, the persistence of paternalism and clientelism) constrained the democratic strategy choices of the civil society organizations. Just as democratization within political society is inconsistent and incomplete, so will be the demand,making strategies of the grassroots towards the state. The Dominican case is of particular interest as it illustrates the blend of personalized and institutionalized elements characteristic of democratic transition. [source] Political Opposition in Civil Society: An Analysis of the Interactions of Secular and Religious Associations in Algeria and Jordan1GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 4 2008Francesco Cavatorta The lack of effective political parties is one of the dominant characteristics of modern Arab polities. The role of opposition to the authoritarian regimes is therefore left to a number of civil society organizations. This study examines the interactions among such groups in the context of the traditional transition paradigm and it analyses specifically how religious and secular organizations operate and interact. The empirical evidence shows that such groups, far from attempting any serious coalition-building to make common demands for democracy on the regime, have a competitive relationship because of their ideological differences and conflicting policy preferences. This strengthens authoritarian rule even in the absence of popular legitimacy. The article focuses its attention on Algeria and Jordan. [source] Can Civil Society Organizations Solve the Crisis of Partisan Representation in Latin America?LATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 2 2008Kathryn Hochstetler ABSTRACT This article takes up the question of whether civil society organizations (CSOs) can and do act as mechanisms of representation in times of party crisis. It looks at recent representation practices in Argentina, Bolivia, and Brazil, three countries where political parties have experienced sharp crises after several decades of mixed reviews for their party systems. At such moments, any replacement of parties by CSOs should be especially apparent. This study concludes that the degree of crisis determines the extent that CSOs' representative functions replace partisan representation, at least in the short term. Where systems show signs of re-equilibration, CSOs offer alternative mechanisms through which citizens can influence political outcomes without seeking to replace parties. Where crisis is profound, CSOs claim some of the basic party functions but do not necessarily solve the problems of partisan representation. [source] The Environmental Civil Society and the Transformation of State-Society Relations in China: Building a Tri-level Analytical FrameworkPACIFIC FOCUS, Issue 2 2007Teh-chang Lin State-society relations is a conventional tool used in analyzing the relational behavioral pattern of between the state and the society. In China, market reforms and open policy since 1978 have engendered the growth of environmental civil society organizations and thereby enhanced the changes in the nature of state-society relations. However, the analysis of Chinese state-society relations has in the past largely been two-dimensional, focusing on domestic relations. However, changing patterns of state-society relations in China has called for a more elaborate tri-level analytical framework of the state, its main civil society representative, domestic non-governmental organizations, and international non-governmental organizations. Through the study of environmental protests such as anti-dam construction demonstrations, we have found that domestically, Chinese environmental nongovernmental organizations not only act as a challenger to the state, but at times collaborate with the state. From an external perspective, international non-governmental organizations not only directly challenge the Chinese state, but also network with local Chinese NGOs in their protests. This article thus adds a new level to the conventional analysis of state-society relations in China. [source] "New Governance" and Associative Pluralism: The Case of Drug Policy in Swiss CitiesPOLICY STUDIES JOURNAL, Issue 4 2003Sonja Wälti Throughout the 1990s, hierarchical administrative governance structures have been replaced by self-governing networks for various motives, one of which is to improve the authenticity and democratic quality of public decisions. Thus, "new governance" has been praised for its propensity to provide a plurality of civil society organizations with access to the decision process. This article explores these claims based on the case of drug policy in Swiss cities. We show that self-governing networks indeed seem to have increased the involvement of civil society organizations in the policy process. However, we also find evidence that self-governing networks may in the longer run induce state control over civil society organizations, thus ultimately reducing associative pluralism. They do so either by imposing a policy paradigm or by excluding actors who do not comply with the dominant paradigm from the networks. We conclude by arguing that self-organizing networks should not be dismissed, given that former hierarchical bureaucratic approaches to drug-related problems have failed even worse. Rather, their long-term effects should be subject to further examination aimed at developing adequate responses to their shortcomings. [source] PUTTING THE CIVIL SOCIETY SECTOR ON THE ECONOMIC MAP OF THE WORLDANNALS OF PUBLIC AND COOPERATIVE ECONOMICS, Issue 2 2010Lester M. Salamon ABSTRACT,:,The past twenty-five years have witnessed a spectacular expansion of philanthropy, volunteering, and civil society organizations throughout the world. Indeed, we seem to be in the midst of a ,global associational revolution,' a worldwide upsurge of organized private voluntary activity. Despite the promise that this development holds, however, the nonprofit or civil society sector remains the invisible subcontinent on the social landscape of most countries, poorly understood by policymakers and the public at large, often encumbered by legal limitations, and inadequately utilized as a mechanism for addressing public problems. One reason for this is the lack of basic information on its scope, structure, financing, and contributions in most parts of the world. This lack of information is due in part to the fact that significant components of the nonprofit sector fall within the non-observed, or informal, economy, and in part to the way even the observed parts of this sector have historically been treated in the prevailing System of National Accounts (SNA). This paper provides an overview of a series of steps that have been taken over the past 20 years by researchers at the Johns Hopkins University in cooperation with colleagues around the world and, more recently, with officials in the United Nations Statistics Division and the International Labour Organization to remedy this situation, culminating in the issuance and initial implementation of a new United Nations Handbook on Nonprofit Institutions in the System of National Accounts and the forthcoming publication of a new International Labour Organization Manual on the Measurement of Volunteer Work. Taken together, these efforts point the way toward putting the civil society sector on the economic map of the world for the first time in a systematically comparative way. [source] Shifting Environmental Governance in a Neoliberal World: US AID for ConservationANTIPODE, Issue 3 2010Catherine Corson Abstract:, By exploring the shifting and uneven power relations among state, market and civil society organizations in US environmental foreign aid policy-making, this article forges new ground in conversations about conservation and neoliberalism. Since the 1970s, an evolving group of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) has lobbied the US Congress to support environmental foreign assistance. However, the 1980s and 1990s rise of neoliberalism laid the conditions for the formation of a dynamic alliance among representatives of the US Congress, the US Agency for International Development, environmental NGOs and the private sector around biodiversity conservation. In this alliance, idealized visions of NGOs as civil society and a countering force to corporations have underpinned their influence, despite their contemporary corporate partnerships. Furthermore, by focusing on,international,biodiversity conservation, the group has attracted a broad spectrum of political and corporate support to shape public policy and in the process create new spaces for capital expansion. [source] The Crisis of Social Reproduction among Migrant Workers: Interrogating the Role of Migrant Civil SocietyANTIPODE, Issue 1 2010Nina Martin Abstract:, Transformations in urban economies are leading to the growth of jobs where labor and employment laws are routinely violated. Workers in these jobs are subject to harsh conditions such as low wages, hazardous work sites, and retaliation for speaking up. Many of these workers are undocumented migrants who are in a weak position to make demands on their employers or to request government assistance. These workers often turn to migrant civil society organizations for help with the multiple conflicts they face at work. Drawing on case studies of nonprofit organizations in Chicago, this paper focuses on the role of such organizations in the social reproduction of the migrant workforce. I posit that such organizations are integral to the functioning of the informal economy because the wide range of programs and services that they provide are essential to the social reproduction of migrant workers. [source] Civic Governmentality: The Politics of Inclusion in Beirut and MumbaiANTIPODE, Issue 1 2009Ananya Roy Abstract:, This article is concerned with the politics of inclusion. It analyzes the institutionalization of participatory citizenship as the formation of regimes of "civic governmentality". Through the study of key civil society organizations such as SPARC and Hezbollah, it studies three dimensions of civic governmentality: an infrastructure of populist mediation; technologies of governing (for example, knowledge production); and norms of self-rule (for example, concepts of civility and civicness). However, such regimes of civic governmentality operate within frontiers of urban renewal and indeed often facilitate and manage such types of development. The article examines the limits and contradictions of the politics of inclusion in the context of the bourgeois city and also studies radical forms of citizenship that emerge to challenge these limits. [source] CSOs and business partnerships: strategies for interactionBUSINESS STRATEGY AND THE ENVIRONMENT, Issue 4 2005Jenny Ählström Abstract Cross-sectoral partnerships have increasingly been promoted as a solution to environmental and social problems. This presupposes participation of civil society organizations (CSOs). The article probes whether the partnership idea is prevailing among CSOs. The purpose of the study is to explore what underlies CSOs' approaches to interaction with business. The study finds that, based on their background and tactics for business interaction, CSOs can be divided into Preservers, Protesters, Modifiers and Scrutinizers. Among these, solely the Preservers have a strategy of engaging in partnerships with business. The Protesters, Modifiers and Scrutinizers, on the other hand, take on a strategy of independence. This finding indicates that corporations that seek to successfully partner with CSOs should be wary that such collaboration is not in line with the strategy of all CSOs, and that for the same reasons the prevailing partnership promotion might be problematic. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||