British Unions (british + union)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Selected Abstracts

A Call to Action: New Party Candidates and the 1931 General Election*

Sir Oswald Mosley established his New Party in early 1931. It proposed to cut across the party and class divides, with the objective of providing a ,national' solution to the economic crisis of the time. According to Mosley, the ,old parties', meaning the Labour, Conservative and Liberal Parties , had revealed themselves unable to adapt to the post-war age. In their place, he argued, a modern organisation, based on youth, vitality and a scientifically reasoned economic plan, was needed to save Britain from terminal decline. Few heeded his call, and the party ultimately paved the way for the British Union of Fascists to emerge in 1932. Nevertheless, the New Party fought the general election of 1931, offering an unsuccessful but suitably intriguing challenge to the National coalition and Labour Party. This article will assess the New Party's election campaign, concentrating on those who briefly rallied to Mosley's appeal only to fall foul of the ballot box. In other words, it provides a case study of those who contributed to a dramatic electoral failure, and traces a significant stage along Mosley's journey to fascism. [source]

Women's Groups in British Unions

Jane Parker
Women's groups in unions are collective spaces within which women seek to advance their concerns and access empowering positions. This paper examines their pursuit of gender equality in unions. The need to explore unions and women's groups is heightened by women's significance as a source of union membership, and the connection between union revitalization and responsiveness to women. The paper uses case studies of two unions, MSF and USDAW, and seven women's groups. The analysis is structured by a typology of two frameworks: (i) a typology of gendered equality ideas derived from various literatures, and (ii) the dynamic and linked dimensions of Hyman's (1994) union organization model. Implications for research and theory, and for union policy and practice, are discussed. [source]

The politics of British union in 1642 and the purpose of civil war pamphlets*

Jason Peacey
This article demonstrates that there is more than one context in which to place early modern polemical pamphlets, and by submitting one particular tract from 1642 to intellectual, political and bibliographical contextualization, it highlights the implications for our understanding of a particular work's ,meaning' and purpose. By means of a close textual reading, as well as a detailed archival examination of ,three kingdoms' political manoeuvring, and examination of copy-specific information, it indicates that early modern politicians had a subtle understanding of the utility of print, and of the need to reach out to different political audiences in different ways. [source]

Ageism, early exit, and British trade unions

Colin Duncan
Union responses to ageism and the early exit phenomenon are here examined, based on documentation received from some 40 British unions. Our results show that though age discrimination is now accorded some prominence in union agendas, policies towards exit are only partially informed by current conceptions of ageism. [source]

A Revised Role for Trade Unions as Designed by New Labour: The Representation Pyramid and ,Partnership'

Tonia Novitz
A key objective of British unions is to develop their representative role so as to establish their relevance to the workforce and thereby reverse the overall decline in trade union membership. To many, the legislative reforms undertaken by New Labour since 1999 offer some hope that this can be achieved. These reforms seem to provide a pyramid of representation, whereby trade unions can establish their relevance when they ,accompany' individual employees in grievance and disciplinary proceedings, and when they act as recipients of information and consultation. By attracting members in this fashion, there would seem to be the promise that unions can reascend to the position of recognized and effective parties in collective bargaining. However, this paper suggests that a barrier to the achievement of this objective is the particular conception of ,partnership' adopted by New Labour, which deviates from that of the TUC. This ,partnership' is essentially individualistic in character, procedural in form, and unitary in specification. These characteristics are reflected in the relevant statutory and regulatory provisions and are therefore likely to inhibit the progression of a trade union to recognition in collective bargaining. [source]