British State (british + state)

Distribution by Scientific Domains


Selected Abstracts


Steering the British State in the Information

GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 3 2001
Ian Holliday
First page of article [source]


Death of a migrant: transnational death rituals and gender among British Sylhetis

GLOBAL NETWORKS, Issue 3 2002
Katy Gardner
In this article I discuss transnational burial rituals carried out in London and Sylhet. While collective identity and reaffirming social ties are important issues in discussing the burial of migrants in Sylhet, the main focus of the article is on gender. The analysis of what happens when Londonis die reveals a great deal about the differential effects of living between two places on men and women. While transnationalism may in some contexts be understood as potentially subversive, for the majority of Sylhetis in Britain movement between places is highly constrained by poverty and British immigration controls, as well as by particular gender and household relations. These in turn impact on men and women's experiences of bereavement, as well as on their access to and relationship with the British state. [source]


Local Government Reform In Britain 1997,2001: National Forces and International Trends

GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 2 2003
Michael Cole
This article considers the origins of the local government reform agenda of the 1997 to 2001 Labour government. The analysis identifies a wide range of factors including recurring themes in the debate about local government, market mechanisms, Labour Party politics, the traditions of the British state, the constitutional reform agenda and the international context. This study also develops the notion of shifting constraints to explain this process and the agenda of the current Labour administration. [source]


Militant Protestants: British Identity in the Jacobean Period, 1603,1625

HISTORY, Issue 314 2009
JASON C. WHITE
The ,new British history' still has a great deal to offer when it comes to understanding the formation and conceptualization of British identity before the advent of the British state. This article focuses on the aftermath of the 1603 ,union of crowns' under James VI and I. Up to now it has been the consensus among historians that British identity was mostly limited to James himself and that he, rather clumsily, attempted to impose the idea of Britain on his unwilling subjects in England and Scotland. However, by paying more attention to the thoughts and aspirations about Britain, a different kind of British identity can be discerned. There were many individuals in both Scotland and England who believed that the union of crowns created one of the most powerful Protestant kingdoms in Europe. For these individuals British identity was a militant Protestant identity. They embraced the idea that Britain should be an active protector of Protestantism and that it should use this combined military might to extirpate the papal Antichrist. While the militant Protestant version of British identity was always a minority opinion, its existence reveals that there were alternative ways to thinking about Britain that did not necessarily originate with James VI and I, nor was it limited to or inhibited by traditional antagonisms between England and Scotland. [source]


Religion, Power and Parliament: Rothschild and Bradlaugh Revisited

HISTORY, Issue 305 2007
DENNIS GRUBE
The British parliament in the nineteenth century reflected the increasingly democratic stability of the British state in a century that saw numerous convulsions on the European continent. It embodied the majesty of British law, the idea that all adult males who dwelt in Britain shared the universal rights of a true-born Englishman, including the right to speak on the affairs of the nation. The repeated attempts of the Jewish Baron Lionel de Rothschild and the atheist Charles Bradlaugh to take their seats after having been lawfully elected to parliament showed, however, that barriers remained against those who were in some way considered ,un-British'. The debates that the perseverance of both men engendered inside the parliament reveal how strongly the conservative British establishment clung on to what it considered to be the Protestant national character. To make British laws, one had to be British in more than citizenship. In essence, it was a debate about British national identity in an increasingly ,liberal' world. The eventual inclusion of both Rothschild and Bradlaugh marked a further shift away from religious conformity as a measure of ,Britishness' as the century drew to a close. [source]


Constructing British industrial relations

BRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 2 2000
Chris Howell
One can identify the construction and transformation of three distinct systems of industrial relations in Britain over the last century. In contrast to the view that the state has been largely abstentionist in the sphere of industrial relations, or that, where intervention has taken place, it has been ad hoc, incoherent and reactive, this article makes two arguments in explaining this pattern of institutional construction. First, that the British state has been a central actor in the construction and ,embedding' of industrial relations institutions. Secondly, that broad processes of economic restructuring have created the context and trigger for state action. It is the timing and character of economic restructuring which explain the distinctive evolution of British industrial relations. [source]