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Working Class (working + class)
Selected AbstractsChristianity, Gender, and the Working Class in Southern Dunedin, 1880,19401JOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY, Issue 1 2006JOHN STENHOUSE This article is a study of the southern suburbs of Dunedin, which during the late nineteenth century became the most industrialized and working class urban area of New Zealand. Analyzing the social composition of fifteen southern Dunedin churches, I question the idea, widely held by New Zealand historians, that the working classes had largely turned their backs on organized religion. In keeping with recent scholarship in the social history of British and Irish religion, I show that unskilled workers were better represented in many southern Dunedin congregations that previous historians have acknowledged and that skilled workers numerically dominated most churches. When women are included in the analysis, working class predominance increases further. Signing the suffrage petition in remarkable proportions, working class Christian women turned the southern suburbs into a world-leading first wave feminist community. Moreover, varieties of popular Christianity flourished beyond the ranks of active churchgoers. I conclude by suggesting that New Zealand historians need to rethink the old "lapsed masses" and "secular New Zealand" assumptions and to investigate the diverse varieties of Christianity shaping the culture, and their sometimes conflicting this-worldly meanings. [source] ,Hope, Colour, and Comradeship': Loyalty and Opportunism in Early Twentieth-Century Church Attendance Among the Working Class in North-West EnglandJOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY, Issue 1 2001Dorothy Entwistle [source] The Unmaking of the English Working ClassTHE POLITICAL QUARTERLY, Issue 2006FERDINAND MOUNT First page of article [source] Neo-mercantilist Policies and Sectoral Politics: Taiwan's Acquiescent Working ClassANTHROPOLOGY OF WORK REVIEW, Issue 3 2000Chang-Ling Huang Ph.D. First page of article [source] Making White: Constructing Race in a South African High SchoolCURRICULUM INQUIRY, Issue 1 2002Nadine Dolby As a social and cultural phenomenon, race is continually remade within changing circumstances and is constructed and located, in part, in institutions' pedagogical practices and discourses. In this article I examine how the administration of a multiracial, working-class high school in Durban, South Africa produces "white" in an era of political and social transition. As the population of Fernwood High School (a pseudonym) shifts from majority white working class to black working class, the school administration strives to reposition the school as "white," despite its predominantly black student population. This whiteness is not only a carryover from the apartheid era, but is actively produced within a new set of circumstances. Using the discourses and practices of sports and standards, the school administration attempts to create a whiteness that separates the school from the newly democratic nation-state of South Africa. Despite students' and some staff's general complacency and outright resistance, rugby and athletics are heralded as critical nodes of the school's "white" identity, connecting the school to other, local white schools, and disconnecting it from black schools. Dress standards function in a similar manner, creating an imagined equivalence between Fernwood and other white schools in Durban (and elite schools around the world), and disassociating Fernwood from black schools in South Africa and the "third world" writ large. This pedagogy of whiteness forms the core of the administration's relationship with Fernwood students, and maps how race is remade within a changing national context. [source] The Militarization of Urban Marginality: Lessons from the Brazilian MetropolisINTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2008Loïc Wacquant This article examines the workings and effects of the penalization of poverty in urban Brazil at century's turn to uncover the deep logic of punitive containment as state strategy for the management of dispossessed and dishonored populations in the polarizing city in the age of triumphant neoliberalism. It shows how ramifying criminal violence (fed by extreme inequality and mass poverty), class and color discrimination in judicial processing, unchecked police brutality, and the catastrophic condition and chaotic operation of the carceral system combine to make the aggressive deployment of the penal apparatus in Brazil a surefire recipe for further disorder and disrespect for the law at the bottom of the urban hierarchy and steers the country into an institutional impasse. The policy of punitive containment pursued by political elites as a complement to the deregulation of the economy in the 1990s leads from the penalization to the militarization of urban marginality, under which residents of the declining favelas are treated as virtual enemies of the nation, tenuous trust in public institutions is undermined, and the spiral of violence accelerated. Brazil thus serves as a historical revelator of the full consequences of the penal disposal of the human detritus of a society swamped by social and physical insecurity. Drawing parallels between penal activity in the Brazilian and the U.S. metropolis further reveals that the neighborhoods of urban relegation wherein the marginal and stigmatized fractions of the postindustrial working class concentrate are the prime targets and proving ground upon which the neoliberal penal state is concretely being assembled, tried, and tested. Their study is therefore of urgent interest to analysts of international politics and state power at the dawn of the twenty-first century. [source] Ethnic Institutions Reconsidered: The Case of Flemish Workers in 19th Century France1JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2003Philippe Couton Increasing evidence indicates that ethno-institutional effects are often more varied and complex. France's first industrial-era immigrants, massively crossing the border from Belgian Flanders during the second half of the 19th century, are a case in point. Immigrant Flemish workers introduced a new type of institution to the French working class: socialist cooperatives. These would have a long-term impact not only on the immigrant Flemish community itself, but also on the larger labour movement, on the region, and on the country as a whole. Three elements were important in this process of institutional cross-fertilization: Belgian workers' rich institutional repertoire; the coincidence of their settlement with the rise of the French labour movement; and the fact that their institutional innovation was easily transferable. [source] Nicaraguan Narratives of Development, Nationhood, and the BodyJOURNAL OF LATIN AMERICAN & CARIBBEAN ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue 1 2001Florence E. Babb Anthropological studies of development in Latin America generally have taken political economic approaches, though a few have raised important cultural questions as well. This work con tributes to the latter project by approaching two subjects rarely discussed together: discourses of development and body politics. In Nicaragua during the last decade, contentious political economic differences have often played out in discursive practices, as the nation makes a transition from die revolutionary Sandinista period to the neoliberal era. Here I examine discussions of microenteiprises and the informal sector as development issues in die remaking of the nation. Then I present the more personal, visceral narratives of working class and poor urban residents. These nondominant discourses that invoke gender and the body as sites on which current conditions are inscribed may point the way toward alternative approaches and critiques. [source] Containing "Contamination": Cardinal Moran and Fin de Siècle Australian National Identity, 1888,1911JOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY, Issue 1 2010MARK HEARN Cardinal Patrick Moran, the Catholic Archbishop of Sydney 1884,1911, believed that Australian Catholicism would flourish with the emergence of the new nation through Federation in 1901, provided that Australians turned away from foreign influences, including anarchism and nihilism. Moran also sought to use Australia to "Christianise" the enormous population of China, and believed that Chinese immigration could make a useful contribution to nation building. As the nineteenth century closed, Moran's aims were also complicated by the more insidious threats represented by a challenge to religious faith by fin de siècle ideas , a modernism manifesting as both a general challenge and a specific doctrinal relativism that might erode the Church's authority, and the threat Moran felt was posed to the development of the liberal Australian state and the Catholic Church by radical political alternatives. Concern that a mood of religious apostasy and secularisation might spread to the Catholic community also influenced Moran's support for the fledgling Australian Labor Party, which Moran believed could develop as an instrument to reinforce a moral and inclusive sense of Australian identity for the Catholic working class. Like his pro-Chinese views, Moran's advocacy of "the rights and duties of labour" was defined by an imagined alliance of evangelism and nation building, stimulated by the fear, as he expressed in 1891, of "an unchristianized world." [source] Educational institutions: Supporting working-class learningNEW DIRECTIONS FOR ADULT & CONTINUING EDUCATION, Issue 106 2005Griff Foley Asserting that the working class has a distinctive learning style, this chapter argues for a supportive, challenging, and class-conscious pedagogy. [source] Industrialization, class structure, and social mobility in postwar Japan 1THE BRITISH JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY, Issue 4 2001Hiroshi Ishida ABSTRACT This study examines intergenerational class mobility in Japan using cross-national comparisons with Western nations and cross-temporal comparisons of five national surveys conducted in postwar Japan. Cross-national comparisons highlight the similarity in relative mobility pattern between Japan and Western nations and at the same time the Japanese distinctiveness in absolute mobility rates especially regarding the demographic character of the Japanese manual working class. The results of cross-temporal comparisons of mobility pattern report some systematic trends in total mobility, inflow and outflow rates, reflecting the Japanese experience of late but rapid industrialization. The pattern of association between class origin and class destination, however, was stable in postwar Japan. It is therefore the combination of distinctive absolute mobility rates and similar relative mobility rates that characterizes the Japanese mobility pattern in comparison with the Western experience. Furthermore, Japan's distinctive pattern of postwar social mobility is characterized by a combination of rapidly changing absolute mobility rates and comparatively stable relative mobility rates. [source] Socio-political control in urban China: changes and crisis*THE BRITISH JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY, Issue 4 2001Raymond W. K. Lau ABSTRACT This paper examines urban China's socio-political control crisis under the impact of economic reforms as an epitome of a more general social crisis. The traditional urban institutional form of socio-political control in the People's Republic of China (PRC), the work unit form of control, is a variant of age-old forms. The latter's reproduction in variant form in the former was premised upon the fact that the PRC's industrialization was carried out by a peasant-based party creating a new working class of rural migrants engaged in non-market production and exchange. The persistence of non-market economic relations ensured this form of control's continued reproduction. Post-1978 market-oriented reforms have undermined this form. As the emergence of new forms has been slow, a socio-political control crisis has arisen, at a time when millions of urban employees are being thrown out of work. In dealing with the crisis, the official trade union, an organic constituent institution of the work unit form of control, plays a prominent part, in being given the tasks of sustaining this decaying form, and preventing and defusing potential social explosion. Yet, the very economic reform programme that has undermined the work unit form of control, is also gravely weakening the union. [source] Economic Inequality and Intolerance: Attitudes toward Homosexuality in 35 DemocraciesAMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 4 2008Robert Andersen Using hierarchical linear models fitted to data from the World Values Survey and national statistics for 35 countries, this article builds on the postmaterialist thesis by assessing the impact of economic inequality across and within nations on attitudes toward homosexuality. It provides evidence that tolerance tends to decline as national income inequality rises. For professionals and managers, the results also support the postmaterialist argument that economic development leads to more tolerant attitudes. On the other hand, attitudes of the working class are generally less tolerant, and contrary to expectations of the postmaterialist thesis, are seemingly unaffected by economic development. In other words, economic development influences attitudes only for those who benefit most. These findings have political implications, suggesting that state policies that have the goal of economic growth but fail to consider economic inequality may contribute to intolerant social and political values, an attribute widely considered detrimental for the health of democracy. [source] Peer and teacher ratings of third- and fourth-grade children's social behavior as a function of early maternal employmentTHE JOURNAL OF CHILD PSYCHOLOGY AND PSYCHIATRY AND ALLIED DISCIPLINES, Issue 4 2003Lise M. Youngblade Background:, One of the more controversial issues related to maternal employment in the United States concerns the timing of entry into the workforce and its effect on children, particularly during the first year of the child's life. Some studies show deleterious effects on children, such as increases in aggression and noncompliance, while others document few negative and even positive effects of early employment. Methods:, This study examined the long-term effects of maternal employment during the child's first year of life on the social behavior of 171 third- and fourth-grade children in two-parent families. The moderating effects of child gender and social class were investigated. The extent to which stability in alternative care arrangements statistically explained links between early maternal employment and child outcomes was tested. Results:, After controlling for child gender, and maternal ethnicity, social class, and current employment status, third- and fourth-grade children whose mothers were employed during their first year of life evinced more acting out and less frustration tolerance and were nominated more often by peers for ,hitting' and ,being mean' than children whose mothers were not employed. There was some evidence that these associations were moderated by child gender and social class: boys, but not girls, whose mothers were employed during the first year were subsequently rated by teachers as acting out more than other children, and were also more likely to be nominated by peers for hitting. Higher nominations for hitting were only found in the working class. Finally, there was partial evidence that the number of alternative child-care arrangements during the first year accounted for the links between early maternal employment and subsequent child outcomes. Conclusions:, These results are congruent with extant research that posits a risk of early employment on socioemotional development, but show that this risk is partially attributable to child-care instability. [source] Intertwined Refractions: The Mutual Constitution of Gender Style and Class Fraction in a De-Industrializing Australian TownTHE JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, Issue 3 2001Allon J. Uhlmann Based on fieldwork among urban working-class Australians, I divide the dominated class into two fractions, dominated and dominant, and use this as a basis for analysis of the multiple gender styles which have been observed in working-class Australia. I argue that masculine style and class-fraction location are mutually constitutive. I also explain why feminine style is not as diverse as masculine style, nor is the location of women within working-class fractions as definite as that of men. Finally, I suggest that not only within the working class, but also between classes, gender style and class location are mutually constitutive. [source] TAXING TIMES: STATE-LED INCOME REDISTRIBUTION IN NEW ZEALAND'S ,GOLDEN AGE'AUSTRALIAN ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW, Issue 3 2006Article first published online: 20 OCT 200, James Reveley income redistribution; labour; net-tax; New Zealand Welfarism has been posited as central to how the state fostered the integration of the working class into the post-war economic order. However, analysis of national accounts data from 1949 to 1975 shows that New Zealand's welfare state redistributed income primarily from one fraction of the working class to another. That is, wage-earners financed their own collective consumption. This finding suggests that system integration effects of state welfare expenditure are predicated less on economic gains that accrue to labour, than they are on state-sponsored welfare discourse. Future research should therefore concentrate on both economic and discursive aspects of the welfare state. [source] Personnel Discipline and Industrial Relations on the Railways of Republican ChinaAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 1 2001Stephen L. Morgan The Chinese National Railways of Republican China (1912-37) had a personnel administration the equal of any of the major railway systems of the period. Railways require a sophisticated personnel bureaucracy to train, monitor and enforce codes of conduct which would ensure the safety of passengers, freight and the huge investment in rolling stock and fixed capital. Only the military had previously administrative structures approaching the modern railway companies, the first modern business to organise on such a scale large numbers of employees over vast geographic areas. In China the railway introduced not only a new transport technology but also played a major role in creating the new industrial working class through the regimes of work and discipline their administration created. Drawing on neglected railway personnel archives, this paper examines the work organisation and structures of discipline that governed the working day of Chinese railway employees. [source] Remaking the World of Chinese Labour: A 30-Year RetrospectiveBRITISH JOURNAL OF INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS, Issue 3 2010Eli Friedman Over the past 30 years, labour relations, and, indeed, the entirety of working-class politics in China, have been dramatically altered by economic reforms. In this review, we focus on the two key processes of commodification and casualization and their implications for workers. On the one hand, these processes have resulted in the destruction of the old social contract and the emergence of marketized employment relations. This has implied a loss of the job security and generous benefits enjoyed by workers in the planned economy. On the other hand, commodification and casualization have produced significant but localized resistance from the Chinese working class. Up until now, the activities of labour non-governmental organizations and of the official trade unions have contributed to the state's effort of individualizing and institutionalizing labour conflict resolution through labour law and arbitration mechanisms. Finally, we provide a brief discussion of the impact of 2008's Labour Contract Law and the outbreak of the economic crisis on labour relations. We conclude that the continual imbalance of power at the point of production presents a real dilemma for the Chinese state as it attempts to shift away from a model of development dependent on exports. [source] Modeling Socioeconomic Class in Variationist SociolinguisticsLINGUISTICS & LANGUAGE COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 5 2009Robin Dodsworth Modeling socioeconomic class has been a persistent challenge in the analysis of sociolinguistic variation. While early stratificational models formulated on the basis of socioeconomic indicators such as income, occupation, and area of residence revealed compelling patterns of linguistic variation, they were critiqued for their lack of explanatory power at the interactional level and for their marginalization of those without paid employment. Subsequent models have employed cross-disciplinary concepts such as the linguistic market, social networks, and communities of practice, prioritizing local social distinctions that are understood to reflect or even constitute abstract structural categories such as ,working class' or ,middle class'. It is argued that a full socioeconomic class paradigm for sociolinguistics would also theorize class at the aggregate level, and to this end, sociological class models may prove useful. Contemporary sociological class analysis at the level of social practice offers additional avenues for interfacing with sociology. [source] | |||||||||||||