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Various Cultures (various + culture)
Terms modified by Various Cultures Selected AbstractsThe Strategic Localization of Transnational Retailers: The Case of Samsung-Tesco in South KoreaECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY, Issue 1 2006Neil M. Coe Abstract: This article contributes to the small but growing geographic literature on the internationalization of retailing by exploring the strategic localization of transnational retailers. While it has long been recognized that firms in many different sectors localize their activities to meet the requirements of different national and local markets, the imperative is particularly strong for retail transnational corporations (TNCs) because of the extremely high territorial embeddedness of their activities. This embeddedness can be seen through the ways in which retailers seek to establish and maintain extensive store networks, adapt their offerings to various cultures of consumption, and manage the proliferation of connections to the local supply base. We illustrate these conceptual arguments through a case study of the Samsung-Tesco joint venture in South Korea, profiling three particular aspects of Samsung-Tesco's strategic localization: the localization of products, the localization of sourcing, and the localization of staffing and strategic decision making. In conclusion, we argue that the strategic localization of transnational retailers needs to be conceptualized as a dynamic that evolves over time after initial inward investment and that localization should be seen as a two-way dynamic that has the potential to have a wider impact on the parent corporation. [source] Youth and Tattoos: What School Health Personnel Should KnowJOURNAL OF SCHOOL HEALTH, Issue 9 2000Kelli McCormack Brown ABSTRACT: Though tattooing has been practiced by various cultures for centuries, this art form has undergone dramatic changes the past few decades. Today, tattoos appeal to diverse populations and mainstream culture. The proliferation of tattooing prompted increased concern for safety and awareness of hazardous conditions. Transmission of infectious diseases, such as hepatitis B and C, and theoretically, HIV, can occur when proper sterilization and safety procedures are not followed. While there are many populations at risk, a critical at-risk group is adolescents. Tattooing among adolescents is a risk-taking behavior that warrants the attention of health education in assisting adolescents in becoming informed decision-makers. Teaching and advocacy strategies are suggested, and roles for school health personnel are presented. [source] Delusional disorder: Study from North IndiaPSYCHIATRY AND CLINICAL NEUROSCIENCES, Issue 5 2007SANDEEP GROVER md Abstract, The aim of the present study was to study sociodemographic profile, clinical parameters including comorbidity, usefulness of antipsychotics especially atypicals, family history, and follow-up rates for delusional disorder. The records of all subjects who were seen in the Department of Psychiatry during a period of 10 years (i.e. 1994,2003) were reviewed. Eighty-eight subjects fulfilling the inclusion criteria were enrolled. The sample consisted predominantly of female subjects (55.7%), most of the total subjects were married and had favorable social functioning. The most common delusion was persecutory (54.5%), followed by delusion of reference (46.6%). The majority of the subjects had a comorbid psychiatric disorder. Education was negatively correlated with age at onset and positively correlated with the number of delusions. Age at onset was negatively correlated with total number of delusions. The sociodemographic profile of delusional disorder is consistent across various cultures, has high comorbidity and, when treated appropriately, responds to various antipsychotic agents. [source] From Shallow to Deep: Toward a Thorough Cultural Analysis of School Achievement PatternsANTHROPOLOGY & EDUCATION QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2008Mica Pollock What do anthropologists of education do? Many observers think that we provide quick glosses on what various "cultures",typically racialized, ethnic, and national-origin groups,"do" in schools. Hervé Varenne and I each name an alternative form of analysis that we think should be central to the subfield. Varenne argues that anthropologists of education should expand analysis of teaching and learning beyond (American) schools and classrooms and examine everyday life in various places as containing countless moments of teaching and learning that are worth understanding. Varenne reminds us that teaching and learning occur nonstop in everyday life, not just in classrooms. "Education" is about far more than what we typically call "achievement," which usually translates into grades, graduation, or test scores.1 This long-standing way of thinking anthropologically about "education" is essential to exploding simplistic notions of what, when, how, and from whom people "learn." In my essay, I contend that U.S. anthropologists of education also need to analyze thoroughly how U.S. school achievement patterns take shape in real time. I argue that it is our particular responsibility to counteract "shallow" analyses of "culture" in schools, which purport to explain "achievement gaps" by making quick claims about how parents and children from various racial, ethnic, national-origin, or class groups react to schools. Such shallow analyses dangerously oversimplify the social processes, interactions, and practices that create disparate outcomes for children. Shallow cultural analyses are common in both journalism and popular discourse,and in schools of education as well (see Ladson-Billings 2006 for a related critique). They are explanatory claims that name a group as having a "cultural" set of behaviors and then name that "cultural" behavior as the cause of the group's school achievement outcomes. (E.g., some argue that "group x"[e.g., "Asians"] employs a "group x behavior"[e.g., "push their children"] that causes "high" or "low" achievement.) Such claims allow people to explain achievement outcomes too simply as the production of parents and children without ever actually examining the real-life experiences of specific parents and children in specific opportunity contexts. Going deeper requires pressing for actual, accurate information about the everyday interactions among real-life parents, children, and other actors that add up to school achievement patterns (graduation rates, dropout rates, skill-test scores, suspension lists, and the like). When anthropologists of education say that we study culture, we mean that we are studying the organization of people's everyday interactions in concrete contexts. Shallow analyses of "culture" that purport to describe only how a "group's" parents train its children blame a reduced set of actors, behaviors, and processes for educational outcomes, and they include a reduced set of actors and actions in a reduced set of projects for educational improvement. Anthropologists of education should make clear that we examine children's experiences both in context and in appropriate detail; we study interactional processes that other observers might describe too quickly or with insufficient information.2 I think that if anthropologists of education explicitly, publicly, and colloquially name what counts as deep, thorough cultural analysis of American school achievement patterns, we will make ourselves far better prepared to respond to harmfully shallow claims made by journalists, colleagues, and educators alike. We will also support other stakeholders in children's lives (including teachers and teacher educators) to think more thoroughly about which actions, by whom, and in what situations produce children's achievement. This short essay suggests four key ways that anthropologists of education can, do, and should get "deep" in analyzing American achievement patterns. I invite colleagues to edit and extend this list in future editions of AEQ. [source] Collective Conscious Experience Across TimeANTHROPOLOGY OF CONSCIOUSNESS, Issue 1 2002Axel A. Randrup The notion of collective conscious experience is here seen as an alternative or complement to themore familiar notion of individual conscious experience. Much evidence supports the concept of collective experience in the present. But what about time? Can a conscious experience which, whenregarded as individual, is referred to the past be considered a collectiveexperience extended in both past and present ? My answer is yes, and this answer is supported by evidence about conceptions of time and conscious experience in various cultures, including Western culture and science, and by evidence about the psychological Now. Egoless conscious experience is an alternative to both individual and collective experience; it is often connected with experience of timelessness, andis then unrestricted by time. [source] A philosophical reflection on the epistemology and methodology of indigenous psychologiesASIAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 1 2005Kwang-Kuo Hwang In order to answer the three crucial questions (why, what and how) about the development of indigenous psychology, three levels of breakthrough need to be made, namely, philosophical reflection, theoretical construction and empirical research. The controversial issues that have occurred in the earlier development of indigenous psychology are analyzed in terms of the switch in Western philosophy of science from positivism to post-positivism. Based on this analysis, it is argued that indigenous psychologists should construct formal theories illustrating the functioning of the human mind that may be applicable to various cultures, and then use these theories to study the particular mentalities of people in a given culture with the scientific methods of empirical research. [source] The impact of lower urinary tract symptoms and comorbidities on quality of life: the BACH and UREPIK studiesBJU INTERNATIONAL, Issue 2 2007Chris Robertson In a large epidemiological study, authors investigated the effect of LUTS on quality of life among various cultures. They showed a close association between the two, and that the effect of having moderate symptoms has a similar effect on quality of life as diabetes, hypertension or cancer, and that having severe symptoms had a similar effect as a heart attack or stroke. OBJECTIVES To investigate the effect of lower urinary tract symptoms (LUTS) on quality of life (QoL) and to determine its extent across a variety of cultures, and the confounding effects of self-reported comorbidities and demographics. SUBJECTS AND METHODS Data were obtained from two population-based studies in five cities: UREPIK (Boxmeer, the Netherlands; Auxerre, France; Birmingham, UK; and Seoul, Korea) and the Boston Area Community Health (BACH) study (Boston, USA). UREPIK used stratified random samples of men aged 40,79 years. BACH used a multistage stratified cluster sample to randomly select adults aged 40,79 years. QoL was assessed using a standard Medical Outcomes Study,Short Form 12 (SF-12, mental and physical health component scores); LUTS was assessed using the International Prostate Symptom Score (IPSS). The association between QoL and IPSS, associated illnesses, and lifestyle factors was investigated using weighted regression. RESULTS The UREPIK studied 4800 men aged 40,79 years; BACH recruited 1686 men aged 40,79 years. The prevalence of LUTS, defined as an IPSS of ,8, varied by city (P < 0.001), with Auxerre reporting a prevalence (se) of 18.1 (1.2)%, Birmingham 25.6 (1.5)%, Boston 25.1 (1.6)%, Boxmeer 21.2 (1.3)%, and Seoul 19.0 (1.2)%. Overall, this was similar to the reported rate of high blood pressure. Severe LUTS, defined as an IPSS of ,20, affected , 3.3% of the age group; this was roughly similar to stroke (2.2%), cancer (4.5%), or heart attack (4.5%) and less than half as much as diabetes (8.6%). A 10-point increase in IPSS was associated with a 3.3 (0.3)-point reduction in SF-12 physical health component score, with the same effect in all cities (P = 0.682 for the interaction test). This was more than the physical health component score reduction caused by cancer, diabetes, or high blood pressure (2 points each), but less than stroke or heart attack (6 points). The comorbidities had no significant impact on SF-12 mental health component score (other than a heart attack, that had a 1.8-point reduction). A 10-point increase in IPSS was associated with a 3.4 (0.6)-point reduction of the mental health component score in the four western cities and a 1.4 (0.3)-point reduction in Seoul. CONCLUSIONS Increasingly severe LUTS is associated with a lower QoL. The effect of moderate LUTS on QoL physical health component score is similar to that of having diabetes, high blood pressure or cancer, while the effect of severe LUTS is similar to a heart attack or stroke. These changes were consistent across cultures. This analysis shows the magnitude and consistency of the effects of LUTS on QoL. While these patients might be seen by several types of practitioners, it is likely that urologists will be in the best position to recognize the true impact of LUTS on a patient's QoL, to be aware of the effects of therapies for LUTS on QoL, and to ensure that colleagues in other disciplines recognize the importance of these symptoms and their treatment. [source] | |||||||||||||